From a15371f3449d560f883ad2d60c97d3030a640a54 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: Theienzo Date: Tue, 1 Dec 2020 04:52:03 +0000 Subject: Published: /library/colin-ward-anarchism-en #8315 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=UTF-8 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit * 2020-11-10T06:32:43 Colin Ward’s introduction to anarchist history and theory -- hrafnraudi * 2020-12-01T04:51:24 deleted it -- theienzo --- c/cw/colin-ward-anarchism-en.muse | 1171 +++---------------------------------- 1 file changed, 84 insertions(+), 1087 deletions(-) (limited to 'c/cw/colin-ward-anarchism-en.muse') diff --git a/c/cw/colin-ward-anarchism-en.muse b/c/cw/colin-ward-anarchism-en.muse index b05c13c..333609c 100644 --- a/c/cw/colin-ward-anarchism-en.muse +++ b/c/cw/colin-ward-anarchism-en.muse @@ -6,623 +6,7 @@ #date 2004 #lang en #pubdate 2020-11-10T06:28:48 - -Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction - -Anarchism: A Very Short Introduction - -Very Short Introductions available now: - -ADVERTISING • Winston Fletcher - -AFRICAN HISTORY • John Parker and Richard Rathbone - -AGNOSTICISM • Robin Le Poidevin - -AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTIONS • L. Sandy Maisel - -THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY • Charles O. Jones - -ANARCHISM • Colin Ward - -ANCIENT EGYPT • Ian Shaw - -ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY • Julia Annas - -ANCIENT WARFARE • Harry Sidebottom - -ANGLICANISM • Mark Chapman - -THE ANGLO-SAXON AGE • John Blair - -ANIMAL RIGHTS • David DeGrazia - -ANTISEMITISM • Steven Beller - -THE APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS • Paul Foster - -ARCHAEOLOGY • Paul Bahn - -ARCHITECTURE • Andrew Ballantyne - -ARISTOCRACY • William Doyle - -ARISTOTLE • Jonathan Barnes - -ART HISTORY • Dana Arnold - -ART THEORY • Cynthia Freeland - -ATHEISM • Julian Baggini - -AUGUSTINE • Henry Chadwick - -AUTISM • Uta Frith - -BARTHES • Jonathan Culler - -BESTSELLERS • John Sutherland - -THE BIBLE • John Riches - -BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY • Eric H. Cline - -BIOGRAPHY • Hermione Lee - -THE BOOK OF MORMON • Terryl Givens - -THE BRAIN • Michael O’Shea - -BRITISH POLITICS • Anthony Wright - -BUDDHA • Michael Carrithers - -BUDDHISM • Damien Keown - -BUDDHIST ETHICS • Damien Keown - -CAPITALISM • James Fulcher - -CATHOLICISM • Gerald O’Collins - -THE CELTS • Barry Cunliffe - -CHAOS • Leonard Smith - -CHOICE THEORY • Michael Allingham - -CHRISTIAN ART • Beth Williamson - -CHRISTIAN ETHICS • D. Stephen Long - -CHRISTIANITY • Linda Woodhead - -CITIZENSHIP • Richard Bellamy - -CLASSICAL MYTHOLOGY • Helen Morales - -CLASSICS • Mary Beard and John Henderson - -CLAUSEWITZ • Michael Howard - -THE COLD WAR • Robert McMahon - -COMMUNISM • Leslie Holmes - -CONSCIOUSNESS • Susan Blackmore - -CONTEMPORARY ART • Julian Stallabrass - -CONTINENTAL PHILOSOPHY • Simon Critchley - -COSMOLOGY • Peter Coles - -THE CRUSADES • Christopher Tyerman - -CRYPTOGRAPHY • Fred Piper and Sean Murphy - -DADA AND SURREALISM • David Hopkins - -DARWIN • Jonathan Howard - -THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS • Timothy Lim - -DEMOCRACY • Bernard Crick - -DESCARTES • Tom Sorell - -DESERTS • Nick Middleton - -DESIGN • John Heskett - -DINOSAURS • David Norman - -DIPLOMACY • Joseph M. Siracusa - -DOCUMENTARY FILM • Patricia Aufderheide - -DREAMING • J. Allan Hobson - -DRUGS • Leslie Iversen - -DRUIDS • Barry Cunliffe - -THE EARTH • Martin Redfern - -ECONOMICS • Partha Dasgupta - -EGYPTIAN MYTH • Geraldine Pinch - -EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN • Paul Langford - -THE ELEMENTS • Philip Ball - -EMOTION • Dylan Evans - -EMPIRE • Stephen Howe - -ENGELS • Terrell Carver - -ENGLISH LITERATURE • Jonathan Bate - -EPIDEMIOLOGY • Roldolfo Saracci - -ETHICS • Simon Blackburn - -THE EUROPEAN UNION • John Pinder and Simon Usherwood - -EVOLUTION • Brian and Deborah Charlesworth - -EXISTENTIALISM • Thomas Flynn - -FASCISM • Kevin Passmore - -FASHION • Rebecca Arnold - -FEMINISM • Margaret Walters - -FILM MUSIC • Kathryn Kalinak - -THE FIRST WORLD WAR • Michael Howard - -FORENSIC PSYCHOLOGY • David Canter - -FORENSIC SCIENCE • Jim Fraser - -FOSSILS • Keith Thomson - -FOUCAULT • Gary Gutting - -FREE SPEECH • Nigel Warburton - -FREE WILL • Thomas Pink - -FRENCH LITERATURE • John D. Lyons - -THE FRENCH REVOLUTION • William Doyle - -FREUD • Anthony Storr - -FUNDAMENTALISM • Malise Ruthven - -GALAXIES • John Gribbin - -GALILEO • Stillman Drake - -GAME THEORY • Ken Binmore - -GANDHI • Bhikhu Parekh - -GEOGRAPHY • John Matthews and David Herbert - -GEOPOLITICS • Klaus Dodds - -GERMAN LITERATURE • Nicholas Boyle - -GERMAN PHILOSOPHY • Andrew Bowie - -GLOBAL CATASTROPHES • Bill McGuire - -GLOBAL WARMING • Mark Maslin - -GLOBALIZATION • Manfred Steger - -THE GREAT DEPRESSION AND THE NEW DEAL • Eric Rauchway - -HABERMAS • James Gordon Finlayson - -HEGEL • Peter Singer - -HEIDEGGER • Michael Inwood - -HIEROGLYPHS • Penelope Wilson - -HINDUISM • Kim Knott - -HISTORY • John H. Arnold - -THE HISTORY OF ASTRONOMY • Michael Hoskin - -THE HISTORY OF LIFE • Michael Benton - -THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE • William Bynum - -THE HISTORY OF TIME • Leofranc Holford-Strevens - -HIV/AIDS • Alan Whiteside - -HOBBES • Richard Tuck - -HUMAN EVOLUTION • Bernard Wood - -HUMAN RIGHTS • Andrew Clapham - -HUME • A. J. Ayer - -IDEOLOGY • Michael Freeden - -INDIAN PHILOSOPHY • Sue Hamilton - -INFORMATION • Luciano Floridi - -INNOVATION • Mark Dodgson and David Gann - -INTELLIGENCE • Ian J. Deary - -INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION • Khalid Koser - -INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS • Paul Wilkinson - -ISLAM • Malise Ruthven - -ISLAMIC HISTORY • Adam Silverstein - -JOURNALISM • Ian Hargreaves - -JUDAISM • Norman Solomon - -JUNG • Anthony Stevens - -KABBALAH • Joseph Dan - -KAFKA • Ritchie Robertson - -KANT • Roger Scruton - -KEYNES • Robert Skidelsky - -KIERKEGAARD • Patrick Gardiner - -THE KORAN • Michael Cook - -LANDSCAPES AND CEOMORPHOLOGY • Andrew Goudie and Heather Viles - -LAW • Raymond Wacks - -THE LAWS OF THERMODYNAMICS • Peter Atkins - -LEADERSHIP • Keth Grint - -LINCOLN • Allen C. Guelzo - -LINGUISTICS • Peter Matthews - -LITERARY THEORY • Jonathan Culler - -LOCKE • John Dunn - -LOGIC • Graham Priest - -MACHIAVELLI • Quentin Skinner - -MARTIN LUTHER • Scott H. Hendrix - -THE MARQUIS DE SADE • John Phillips - -MARX • Peter Singer - -MATHEMATICS • Timothy Gowers - -THE MEANING OF LIFE • Terry Eagleton - -MEDICAL ETHICS • Tony Hope - -MEDIEVAL BRITAIN • John Gillingham and Ralph A. Griffiths - -MEMORY • Jonathan K. Foster - -MICHAEL FARADAY • Frank A. J. L. James - -MODERN ART • David Cottington - -MODERN CHINA • Rana Mitter - -MODERN IRELAND • Senia Paseta - -MODERN JAPAN • Christopher Goto-Jones - -MODERNISM • Christopher Butler - -MOLECULES • Philip Ball - -MORMONISM • Richard Lyman Bushman - -MUSIC • Nicholas Cook - -MYTH • Robert A. Segal - -NATIONALISM • Steven Grosby - -NELSON MANDELA • Elleke Boehmer - -NEOLIBERALISM • Manfred Steger and Ravi Roy - -THE NEW TESTAMENT • Luke Timothy Johnson - -THE NEW TESTAMENT AS LITERATURE • Kyle Keefer - -NEWTON • Robert Iliffe - -NIETZSCHE • Michael Tanner - -NINETEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN • Christopher Harvie and H. C. G. Matthew - -THE NORMAN CONQUEST • George Garnett - -NORTHERN IRELAND • Marc Mulholland - -NOTHING • Frank Close - -NUCLEAR WEAPONS • Joseph M. Siracusa - -THE OLD TESTAMENT • Michael D. Coogan - -PARTICLE PHYSICS • Frank Close - -PAUL • E. P. Sanders - -PENTECOSTALISM • William K. Kay - -PHILOSOPHY • Edward Craig - -PHILOSOPHY OF LAW • Raymond Wacks - -PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE • Samir Okasha - -PHOTOGRAPHY • Steve Edwards - -PLANETS • David A. Rothery - -PLATO • Julia Annas - -POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY • David Miller - -POLITICS • Kenneth Minogue - -POSTCOLONIALISM • Robert Young - -POSTMODERNISM • Christopher Butler - -POSTSTRUCTURALISM • Catherine Belsey - -PREHISTORY • Chris Gosden - -PRESOCRATIC PHILOSOPHY • Catherine Osborne - -PRIVACY • Raymond Wacks - -PROGRESSIVISM • Walter Nugent - -PSYCHIATRY • Tom Burns - -PSYCHOLOGY • Gillian Butler and Freda McManus - -PURITANISM • Francis J. Bremer - -THE QUAKERS • Pink Dandelion - -QUANTUM THEORY • John Polkinghorne - -RACISM • Ali Rattansi - -THE REAGAN REVOLUTION • Gil Troy - -THE REFORMATION • Peter Marshall - -RELATIVITY • Russell Stannard - -RELIGION IN AMERICA • Timothy Beal - -THE RENAISSANCE • Jerry Brotton - -RENAISSANCE ART • Geraldine A. Johnson - -ROMAN BRITAIN • Peter Salway - -THE ROMAN EMPIRE • Christopher Kelly - -ROMANTICISM • Michael Ferber - -ROUSSEAU • Robert Wokler - -RUSSELL • A. C. Grayling - -RUSSIAN LITERATURE • Catriona Kelly - -THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION • S. A. Smith - -SCHIZOPHRENIA • Chris Frith and Eve Johnstone - -SCHOPENHAUER • Christopher Janaway - -SCIENCE AND RELIGION • Thomas Dixon - -SCOTLAND • Rab Houston - -SEXUALITY • Véronique Mottier - -SHAKESPEARE • Germaine Greer - -SIKHISM • Eleanor Nesbitt - -SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY • John Monaghan and Peter Just - -SOCIALISM • Michael Newman - -SOCIOLOGY • Steve Bruce - -SOCRATES • C. C. W. Taylor - -THE SOVIET UNION • Stephen Lovell - -THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR • Helen Graham - -SPANISH LITERATURE • Jo Labanyi - -SPINOZA • Roger Scruton - -STATISTICS • David J. Hand - -STUART BRITAIN • John Morrill - -SUPERCONDUCTIVITY • Stephen Blundell - -TERRORISM • Charles Townshend - -THEOLOGY • David F. Ford - -THOMAS AQUINAS • Fergus Kerr - -TOCQUEVILLE • Harvey C. Mansfield - -TRAGEDY • Adrian Poole - -THE TUDORS • John Guy - -TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITAIN • Kenneth O. Morgan - -THE UNITED NATIONS • Jussi M. Hanhimäki - -THE U.S. CONCRESS • Donald A. Ritchie - -UTOPIANISM • Lyman Tower Sargent - -THE VIKINGS • Julian Richards - -WITCHCRAFT • Malcolm Gaskill - -WITTGENSTEIN • A. C. Grayling - -WORLD MUSIC • Philip Bohlman - -THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION • Amrita Narlikar - -WRITING AND SCRIPT • Andrew Robinson -
- -
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-[[http://www.oup.co.uk/general/vsi/][www.oup.co.uk/general/vsi/]] - -Colin Ward - -* Anarchism - -A Very Short Introduction - -Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP - -Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. - -It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York - -Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi São Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto - -Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries - -Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York - -© Colin Ward 2004 - -The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) - -First published as a Very Short Introduction 2004 - -All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organizations. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above - -You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer - -British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available - -Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data - -Ward, Colin. Anarchism: a very short introduction / Colin Ward. p. cm.—(Very short introductions ; 116) Includes bibliographical references and index. - -ISBN 0–19–280477–4 (pbk. : alk. paper) - -1. Anarchism. 2. Anarchism—History. I. Title. II. Series. - -HX833.W36 2004 335´.83—dc22 2004013626 - -ISBN 0–19–280477–4 - -1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 - -Typeset by RefineCatch Ltd, Bungay, Suffolk Printed in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd., Padstow, Cornwall - -* Contents - -
[[#calibre_link-125][Foreword]] - -
[[#calibre_link-126][List of illustrations]] - -
[[#calibre_link-35][1 Definitions and ancestors]] - -
[[#calibre_link-4][2 Revolutionary moments]] - -
[[#calibre_link-6][3 States, societies, and the collapse of socialism]] - -
[[#calibre_link-127][4 Deflating nationalism and fundamentalism]] - -
[[#calibre_link-128][5 Containing deviancy and liberating work]] - -
[[#calibre_link-129][6 Freedom in education]] - -
[[#calibre_link-2][7 The individualist response]] - -
[[#calibre_link-3][8 Quiet revolutions]] - -
[[#calibre_link-36][9 The federalist agenda]] - -[[#calibre_link-130][10 Green aspirations and anarchist futures]] - -
[[#calibre_link-131][References]] - -
[[#calibre_link-132][Further reading]] - -
[[#calibre_link-133][Index]] +#DELETED This is copyright striked. * Foreword @@ -640,61 +24,7 @@ C. W.
February 2004 -* List of illustrations - -
[[#calibre_link-14][1]] William Godwin - -
[[#calibre_link-15][2]] Proudhon and His Children, painting by Gustave Courbet - -Musée de la Ville de Paris, Musée du Petit-Palais, France. Photo © Giraudon/Bridgeman Art Library - -
[[#calibre_link-16][3]] Michael Bakunin - -
[[#calibre_link-17][4]] Peter Kropotkin - -
[[#calibre_link-18][5]] Zapatista billboard, Chiapas, Mexico - -© Daniel Aguilar/Reuters - -
[[#calibre_link-19][6]] Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa ride into Mexico City, 1914 - -© 2004 Topfoto.co.uk - -
[[#calibre_link-20][7]] Burial of Kropotkin in Moscow, 1921 - -
[[#calibre_link-21][8]] Collectivized urban transport in Barcelona, 1936 - -International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam - -
[[#calibre_link-22][9]] Farm taken over by its workers, Aragon, 1936 - -International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam - -[[#calibre_link-23][10]] ‘The Land is Yours: Work It!’, slogan on train in Catalonia, 1936 - -International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam - -[[#calibre_link-24][11]] Community workshop, as envisaged by Clifford Harper - -© 1974 Clifford Harper - -[[#calibre_link-25][12]] Mealtime at a Ferrer school in Catalonia - -Courtesy of Charlotte Kurzke - -[[#calibre_link-26][13]] Beacon Hill School, run by Dora Russell from 1927 to 1943 - -© Harriet Ward - -[[#calibre_link-27][14]] Community gardens, as envisaged by Clifford Harper - -© 1974 Clifford Harper - -The publisher and the author apologize for any errors or omissions in the above list. If contacted they will be pleased to rectify these at the earliest opportunity. - -* Chapter 1 -
-Definitions and ancestors +* Chapter 1: Definitions and ancestors The word ‘anarchy’ comes from the Greek anarkhia, meaning contrary to authority or without a ruler, and was used in a derogatory sense until 1840, when it was adopted by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon to describe his political and social ideology. Proudhon argued that organization without government was both possible and desirable. In the evolution of political ideas, anarchism can be seen as an ultimate projection of both liberalism and socialism, and the differing strands of anarchist thought can be related to their emphasis on one or the other of these. @@ -702,27 +32,27 @@ Historically, anarchism arose not only as an explanation of the gulf between the The anarchists and their precursors were unique on the political Left in affirming that workers and peasants, grasping the chance that arose to bring an end to centuries of exploitation and tyranny, were inevitably betrayed by the new class of politicians, whose first priority was to re-establish a centralized state power. After every revolutionary uprising, usually won at a heavy cost for ordinary populations, the new rulers had no hesitation in applying violence and terror, a secret police, and a professional army to maintain their control. -For anarchists the state itself is the enemy, and they have applied the same interpretation to the outcome of every revolution of the 19th and 20th centuries. This is not merely because every state keeps a watchful and sometimes punitive eye on its dissidents, but because every state protects the privileges of the powerful. +For anarchists the state itself is the enemy, and they have applied the same interpretation to the outcome of every revolution of the 19th and 20th centuries. This is not merely because every state keeps a watchful and sometimes punitive eye on its dissidents, but because every state protects the privileges of the powerful. The mainstream of anarchist propaganda for more than a century has been anarchist-communism, which argues that property in land, natural resources, and the means of production should be held in mutual control by local communities, federating for innumerable joint purposes with other communes. It differs from state socialism in opposing the concept of any central authority. Some anarchists prefer to distinguish between anarchist-communism and collectivist anarchism in order to stress the obviously desirable freedom of an individual or family to possess the resources needed for living, while not implying the right to own the resources needed by others. Anarcho-syndicalism puts its emphasis on the organized industrial workers who could, through a ‘social general strike’, expropriate the possessors of capital and thus engineer a workers’ take-over of industry and administration. -There are, unsurprisingly, several traditions of individualist anarchism, one of them deriving from the ‘conscious egoism’ of the German writer Max Stirner (1806–56), and another from a remarkable series of 19th-century American figures who argued that in protecting our own autonomy and associating with others for common advantages, we are promoting the good of all. These thinkers differed from free-market liberals in their absolute mistrust of American capitalism, and in their emphasis on mutualism. In the late 20th century the word ‘libertarian’, which people holding such a viewpoint had previously used as an alternative to the word ‘anarchist’, was appropriated by a new group of American thinkers, who are discussed in [[#calibre_link-2][Chapter 7]]. +There are, unsurprisingly, several traditions of individualist anarchism, one of them deriving from the ‘conscious egoism’ of the German writer Max Stirner (1806–56), and another from a remarkable series of 19th-century American figures who argued that in protecting our own autonomy and associating with others for common advantages, we are promoting the good of all. These thinkers differed from free-market liberals in their absolute mistrust of American capitalism, and in their emphasis on mutualism. In the late 20th century the word ‘libertarian’, which people holding such a viewpoint had previously used as an alternative to the word ‘anarchist’, was appropriated by a new group of American thinkers, who are discussed in [[#calibre_link-2][Chapter 7]]. Pacifist anarchism follows both from the anti-militarism that accompanies rejection of the state, with its ultimate dependence on armed forces, and from the conviction that any morally viable human society depends upon the uncoerced goodwill of its members. These and other threads of anarchist thought have different emphases. What links them all is their rejection of external authority, whether that of the state, the employer, or the hierarchies of administration and of established institutions like the school and the church. The same is true of more recently emerging varieties of anarchist propaganda, green anarchism and anarcha-feminism. Like those who believe that animal liberation is an aspect of human liberation, they claim that the only ideology consistent with their aims is anarchism. -It is customary to relate the anarchist tradition to four major thinkers and writers. The first was William Godwin (1756–1836), who in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, published in 1793, set out the anarchist case against government, the law, property, and the institutions of the state. He was the partner of Mary Wollstonecraft and the father of Mary Shelley, and was an heir of both the English tradition of radical nonconformity and of the French philosophes. His book brought him instant fame, soon followed by hostility and neglect in the political climate of the early 19th century, but it had an underground life in radical circles until its rediscovery by the anarchist movement in the 1890s. +It is customary to relate the anarchist tradition to four major thinkers and writers. The first was William Godwin (1756–1836), who in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, published in 1793, set out the anarchist case against government, the law, property, and the institutions of the state. He was the partner of Mary Wollstonecraft and the father of Mary Shelley, and was an heir of both the English tradition of radical nonconformity and of the French philosophes. His book brought him instant fame, soon followed by hostility and neglect in the political climate of the early 19th century, but it had an underground life in radical circles until its rediscovery by the anarchist movement in the 1890s. The second of these pioneers was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–65), the French propagandist who was the first one to call himself an anarchist. He became famous in 1840 by virtue of an essay that declared that ‘Property is Theft’, but he also claimed that ‘Property is Freedom’. He saw no contradiction between these two slogans, since he thought it obvious that the first related to the landowner and capitalist whose ownership derived from conquest or exploitation and was sustained only through the state, its property laws, police, and army; while the second was concerned with the peasant or artisan family with an obvious natural right to a home, to the land it could cultivate, and to the tools of a trade, but not to ownership or control of the homes, land, or livelihood of others. Proudhon was criticized for being a mere survivor of the world of peasant farmers and small artisans in local communities, but he had a ready response in setting out the principles of successful federation. 1. William Godwin (1756–1836), from the portrait by James Northcote, now in the National Portrait Gallery, London. -The third of the classical anarchist luminaries was the Russian revolutionary Michael Bakunin (1814–76), deservedly famous for his disputes with Marx in the First International in the 1870s, where, for his successors, he predicted with remarkable accuracy the outcome of Marxist dictatorships in the 20th century. ‘Freedom without socialism,’ he said, ‘is privilege and injustice, but socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality.’ His elaborations on this perception are cited in innumerable books published since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and subsequently of the regimes it imposed on its satellites. Typical of Bakunin’s observations was a letter of 1872 in which he remarked: +The third of the classical anarchist luminaries was the Russian revolutionary Michael Bakunin (1814–76), deservedly famous for his disputes with Marx in the First International in the 1870s, where, for his successors, he predicted with remarkable accuracy the outcome of Marxist dictatorships in the 20th century. ‘Freedom without socialism,’ he said, ‘is privilege and injustice, but socialism without freedom is slavery and brutality.’ His elaborations on this perception are cited in innumerable books published since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and subsequently of the regimes it imposed on its satellites. Typical of Bakunin’s observations was a letter of 1872 in which he remarked: -I believe that Herr Marx is a very serious if not very honest revolutionary, and that he really is in favour of the rebellion of the masses, and I wonder how he manages to overlook the fact that the establishment of a universal dictatorship, collective or individual, a dictatorship which would create the post of a kind of chief engineer of world revolution, ruling and controlling the insurrectionary activity of the masses in all countries, as a machine might be controlled – that the establishment of such a dictatorship would in itself suffice to kill revolution and warp and paralyse all popular movements . . . +I believe that Herr Marx is a very serious if not very honest revolutionary, and that he really is in favour of the rebellion of the masses, and I wonder how he manages to overlook the fact that the establishment of a universal dictatorship, collective or individual, a dictatorship which would create the post of a kind of chief engineer of world revolution, ruling and controlling the insurrectionary activity of the masses in all countries, as a machine might be controlled – that the establishment of such a dictatorship would in itself suffice to kill revolution and warp and paralyse all popular movements ... The last of these key thinkers was another Russian of aristocratic origin, Peter Kropotkin (1842–1921). His original reputation derived from his work as a geographer, and in a long series of books and pamphlets he sought to give anarchism a scientific basis. The Conquest of Bread (1892) was his manual on the self-organization of a post-revolutionary society. Mutual Aid (1902) was written to confront those misinterpretations of Darwinism that justified competitive capitalism, by demonstrating from the observation of animal and human societies that competition within species is far less significant than cooperation as a precondition for survival. @@ -732,7 +62,7 @@ The last of these key thinkers was another Russian of aristocratic origin, Peter Fields, Factories and Workshops (1899) was Kropotkin’s treatise on the humanization of work, through the integration of agriculture and industry, of brain work and physical work, and of intellectual and manual education. The most widely read on a global scale of all anarchist authors, he linked anarchism both with subsequent ideas of social ecology and with everyday experience. -Some anarchists would object to the identification of anarchism with its best-known writers. They would point out that everywhere in the world where anarchist ideas have arisen, there is a local activist conspiring to get access to a printing press, aware of the anarchist undercurrent in every uprising of the downtrodden all through history, and full of ideas about the application of anarchist solutions to local issues and dilemmas. They point to the way in which anarchist aspirations can be traced through the slave revolts of the ancient world, the peasant risings of medieval Europe, in the aims of the Diggers in the English Revolution of the 1640s, in the revolutions in France in 1789 and 1848, and the Paris Commune of 1871. In the 20th century, anarchism had a role in the Mexican Revolution of 1911, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and most notably in the revolution in Spain that followed the military uprising that precipitated the civil war in 1936. The part played by the anarchists in these revolutionary situations is described in the following chapter. +Some anarchists would object to the identification of anarchism with its best-known writers. They would point out that everywhere in the world where anarchist ideas have arisen, there is a local activist conspiring to get access to a printing press, aware of the anarchist undercurrent in every uprising of the downtrodden all through history, and full of ideas about the application of anarchist solutions to local issues and dilemmas. They point to the way in which anarchist aspirations can be traced through the slave revolts of the ancient world, the peasant risings of medieval Europe, in the aims of the Diggers in the English Revolution of the 1640s, in the revolutions in France in 1789 and 1848, and the Paris Commune of 1871. In the 20th century, anarchism had a role in the Mexican Revolution of 1911, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and most notably in the revolution in Spain that followed the military uprising that precipitated the civil war in 1936. The part played by the anarchists in these revolutionary situations is described in the following chapter. In all these revolutions the fate of the anarchists was that of heroic losers. But anarchists do not necessarily fit the stereotype of believers in some ultimate revolution, succeeding where all others had failed, and inaugurating Utopia. The German anarchist Gustav Landauer declared that: @@ -746,17 +76,17 @@ Anarchism has, in fact, an enduring resilience. Every European, North American, The anarchist press re-emerged in Germany after Hitler, in Italy after Mussolini, in Spain after Franco, in Portugal after Salazar, in Argentina after the generals, and in Russia after 70 years of brutal suppression. For anarchists this is an indication that the ideal of a self-organizing society based on voluntary cooperation rather than upon coercion is irrepressible. It represents, they claim, a universal human aspiration. This is illustrated by the way that people from non-European cultures took Western anarchist ideas and concepts and linked them to traditions and thinkers from their own countries. -Anarchist ideas were brought to Japan by Kotuku Shusui in the very early years of the 20th century. He had read Kropotkin’s writings while in prison during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5. When released he visited California, making contact with the militant anarcho-syndicalists of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and returned to Japan to publish an anti-militarist journal, Heimen. Kotuku claimed that there was always an anarchist undercurrent in Japanese life, deriving from both Buddhism and Taoism. He was one of 12 anarchists executed in 1911, accused of plotting against the Emperor Meiji. All through the first half of the century, a series of successors continued propaganda and industrial action against militarism, and were suppressed by government, to reappear in a changed climate after the horrors of the Second World War. +Anarchist ideas were brought to Japan by Kotuku Shusui in the very early years of the 20th century. He had read Kropotkin’s writings while in prison during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5. When released he visited California, making contact with the militant anarcho-syndicalists of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and returned to Japan to publish an anti-militarist journal, Heimen. Kotuku claimed that there was always an anarchist undercurrent in Japanese life, deriving from both Buddhism and Taoism. He was one of 12 anarchists executed in 1911, accused of plotting against the Emperor Meiji. All through the first half of the century, a series of successors continued propaganda and industrial action against militarism, and were suppressed by government, to reappear in a changed climate after the horrors of the Second World War. Chinese anarchism emerged at much the same time, through the influence of students who had been to Tokyo or to Paris. Those who studied in Japan were influenced by Kotuku Shusui, and stressed the links with a long-established stream in Chinese life. As Peter Marshall explains, Modern anarchism not only advocated the Taoist rural idyll, but also echoed the peasant longing embedded in Chinese culture for a frugal and egalitarian millennium which had expressed itself in peasant rebellions throughout Chinese history. It further struck a chord with two traditional concepts, Ta-t’ung, a legendary golden age of social equality and harmony, and Ching-t’ien, a system of communal land tenure. -Those young Chinese who studied in Paris were attracted by the writings of Bakunin and Kropotkin, as well as by Darwinian evolutionary theory. They rejected attempts to link anarchism with Lao Tzu’s Taoism and with agrarian history. With the fall of the Manchu dynasty in 1911, both anarchist factions thought that their hour had come. But in fact the revolutionary ideology that slowly triumphed in the turbulent history of 20th-century China was that of the Marxist-Leninists. And as we shall see in [[#calibre_link-4][Chapter 2]], the programmes imposed by force on the Chinese were a dictatorial parody of anarchist aspirations. +Those young Chinese who studied in Paris were attracted by the writings of Bakunin and Kropotkin, as well as by Darwinian evolutionary theory. They rejected attempts to link anarchism with Lao Tzu’s Taoism and with agrarian history. With the fall of the Manchu dynasty in 1911, both anarchist factions thought that their hour had come. But in fact the revolutionary ideology that slowly triumphed in the turbulent history of 20th-century China was that of the Marxist-Leninists. And as we shall see in [[#calibre_link-4][Chapter 2]], the programmes imposed by force on the Chinese were a dictatorial parody of anarchist aspirations. -Korea, too, has an anarchist tradition linked with 19th-century hopes for peasant communism, but due to 35 years of Japanese occupation fiercely resisted by the anarchists, among other political factions, their reputation is that of patriots in a country where the North is a Marxist dictatorship while the South is a model of American-style capitalism. +Korea, too, has an anarchist tradition linked with 19th-century hopes for peasant communism, but due to 35 years of Japanese occupation fiercely resisted by the anarchists, among other political factions, their reputation is that of patriots in a country where the North is a Marxist dictatorship while the South is a model of American-style capitalism. -In India the history of the first half of the 20th century, and the struggle to end British rule, was dominated by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who built a unique ideology of non-violent resistance and peasant socialism from a series of semi-anarchist sources and linked them with Indian traditions. From Tolstoy he evolved his policy of non-violent resistance, from Thoreau he took his philosophy of civil disobedience, and from a close reading of Kropotkin his programme of decentralized and autonomous village communes linking agriculture with local industry. After independence was achieved, his political successors revered his memory but ignored his ideas. Later in the century Vinoba Bhave’s Sarvodaya movement sought a non-violent land-based revolution, rejecting the politics of central government. +In India the history of the first half of the 20th century, and the struggle to end British rule, was dominated by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who built a unique ideology of non-violent resistance and peasant socialism from a series of semi-anarchist sources and linked them with Indian traditions. From Tolstoy he evolved his policy of non-violent resistance, from Thoreau he took his philosophy of civil disobedience, and from a close reading of Kropotkin his programme of decentralized and autonomous village communes linking agriculture with local industry. After independence was achieved, his political successors revered his memory but ignored his ideas. Later in the century Vinoba Bhave’s Sarvodaya movement sought a non-violent land-based revolution, rejecting the politics of central government. In Africa, Mbah and Igarewey the authors of a study of the failure of state socialism imposed by governments draw attention to the @@ -770,15 +100,13 @@ The reader may wonder why, if ideas and aspirations similar to those of the anar There was a period, a century ago, when a minority of anarchists, like the subsequent minorities of a dozen other political movements, believed that the assassination of monarchs, princes, and presidents would hasten popular revolution. Sad to say, the most deserving victims, Mussolini, Franco, Hitler, or Stalin, were well protected, and in terms of changing the course of history and ridding the world of its tyrants the anarchists were no more successful than most subsequent political assassins. But their legacy has been the cartoonist’s stereotype of the anarchist as the cloaked and bearded carrier of a spherical bomb with a smoking fuse, and this has consequently provided yet another obstacle to the serious discussion of anarchist approaches. Meanwhile, modern political terrorism on an indiscriminate scale is the monopoly of governments and is directed at civilian populations, or is the weapon we all associate with religious or nationalist separatism, both of them very far from the aspirations of anarchists. -In the entry for ‘Anarchism’ that Kropotkin wrote in 1905 for the 11th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, he began by explaining that it is +In the entry for ‘Anarchism’ that Kropotkin wrote in 1905 for the 11th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, he began by explaining that it is the name given to a principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived without government – harmony in such a society being obtained, not by submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements, concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilised being. Implicit in this definition is the inevitability of compromise, an ordinary aspect of politics which has been found difficult by anarchists, precisely because their ideology precludes the usual routes to political influence. -* Chapter 2 -
-Revolutionary moments +* Chapter 2: Revolutionary moments In the course of the revolutionary outbreaks that spread across Europe in 1848 the Prefect of Police in Paris is said to have remarked of the anarchist Michael Bakunin, ‘What a man! On the first day of the revolution he is a perfect treasure; but on the next day he ought to be shot.’ His observation epitomizes both the role and the ultimate fate of the anarchists and their precursors in a long series of European popular uprisings. @@ -788,7 +116,7 @@ In the English Revolution of the civil war years leading up to 1649, the anarchi Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government which we might expect in a country without a government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence: the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. -Political ideas crossed the Atlantic almost as rapidly in the 18th century as in the 21st, and the American Revolution made the French Revolution inevitable. Jefferson, Paine, and Franklin had a role in both, while William Godwin in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice was arguing the anarchist case from first principles. Meanwhile, a series of brave opponents of the new French state, known as the Enragés and gathered around Jacques Roux and Jean Varlet, opposed the new rulers. Varlet, who actually survived the Terror, observed that +Political ideas crossed the Atlantic almost as rapidly in the 18th century as in the 21st, and the American Revolution made the French Revolution inevitable. Jefferson, Paine, and Franklin had a role in both, while William Godwin in his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice was arguing the anarchist case from first principles. Meanwhile, a series of brave opponents of the new French state, known as the Enragés and gathered around Jacques Roux and Jean Varlet, opposed the new rulers. Varlet, who actually survived the Terror, observed that Despotism has passed from the palace of kings to the circle of a committee. It is neither the royal robes, nor the sceptre, nor the crown, that makes kings hated, but ambition and tyranny. In my country there has been only a change in dress. @@ -798,7 +126,7 @@ The absolute autonomy of the Commune extended to all the localities of France, a (Needless to say, although the Commune had an admired anarchist heroine, Louise Michel, its Manifesto did not extend these rights to Frenchwomen.) -In the major revolutions of the 20th century there were recognizable anarchist elements, but in each of them the anarchists were victims of the new rulers. In Mexico, Ricardo Flores Magon and his brothers had in 1900 begun publication of an anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Regeneración, building up opposition to the dictator Porfirio Diaz, slipping across the border into California when publication became too difficult. With the fall of Diaz, Magon established contact with the peasant revolutionary Emiliano Zapata in the state of Morales in the South, fighting the efforts of large landowners to annex the land of poor growers. Magon is said to have made Zapata literate through reading and discussing Kropotkin’s The Conquest of Bread. Zapata was ambushed and killed in 1919, while Magon was jailed in the United States and was murdered in Leavenworth Penitentiary in 1923. Ironically, both men are celebrated in the Rotunda of Illustrious Men in Mexico City. The contemporary EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) is Mexico’s modern incarnation of Zapata’s campaign, as is, for example, the MST (Movement of Landless Rural Workers) in Brazil. Both of these are campaigns of dispossessed peasants for communal control of land seized by large-scale cattle-ranching oligarchies. +In the major revolutions of the 20th century there were recognizable anarchist elements, but in each of them the anarchists were victims of the new rulers. In Mexico, Ricardo Flores Magon and his brothers had in 1900 begun publication of an anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Regeneración, building up opposition to the dictator Porfirio Diaz, slipping across the border into California when publication became too difficult. With the fall of Diaz, Magon established contact with the peasant revolutionary Emiliano Zapata in the state of Morales in the South, fighting the efforts of large landowners to annex the land of poor growers. Magon is said to have made Zapata literate through reading and discussing Kropotkin’s The Conquest of Bread. Zapata was ambushed and killed in 1919, while Magon was jailed in the United States and was murdered in Leavenworth Penitentiary in 1923. Ironically, both men are celebrated in the Rotunda of Illustrious Men in Mexico City. The contemporary EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) is Mexico’s modern incarnation of Zapata’s campaign, as is, for example, the MST (Movement of Landless Rural Workers) in Brazil. Both of these are campaigns of dispossessed peasants for communal control of land seized by large-scale cattle-ranching oligarchies. 5. In Chiapas, Mexico’s southernmost and, in 2003, poorest state, a Tzotzil Indian woman walks past a notice proclaiming that ‘You are in Zapatista territory. Here the people rule and the government obeys.’ @@ -810,7 +138,7 @@ Goldman and Berkman tried to tell the truth about Lenin’s Russia when they lef 7. The burial of Kropotkin in Moscow in 1921. It is said that the anarchists were released from prison for one day to attend this occasion. The speaker in this picture is Emma Goldman, and below her is Alexander Berkman. -Italy’s anarchist tradition began when Bakunin settled there in 1863, recommended to fellow revolutionaries by Garibaldi and Mazzini, whose nationalism he actually opposed in the name of communal autonomy and federalism. To this period of Bakunin’s life belong his polemics against Marx which, accurately and uniquely, foresaw the evolution of Marxist dictatorships in the 20th century. His disciple Errico Malatesta, who died under house arrest in Mussolini’s Italy, initiated streams of anarchist propaganda in Italy and Latin America, which still flow to this day in the form of an impressive spread of publications and campaigns. +Italy’s anarchist tradition began when Bakunin settled there in 1863, recommended to fellow revolutionaries by Garibaldi and Mazzini, whose nationalism he actually opposed in the name of communal autonomy and federalism. To this period of Bakunin’s life belong his polemics against Marx which, accurately and uniquely, foresaw the evolution of Marxist dictatorships in the 20th century. His disciple Errico Malatesta, who died under house arrest in Mussolini’s Italy, initiated streams of anarchist propaganda in Italy and Latin America, which still flow to this day in the form of an impressive spread of publications and campaigns. In the Far East, the habit of sending young men from affluent families to complete their education in Europe led to a string of revolutionary students bringing back to China from Paris the anarchist message of Kropotkin in his propagandist books The Conquest of Bread, Mutual Aid, and especially Fields, Factories and Workshops. Many of the shifts and turns of Communist Party policy in China in the 1950s and 1960s have recognizable links with Kropotkin’s agenda, although, of course, they were imposed with the utmost indifference to human suffering. The celebrated novelist Pa Chin (Li Pai Kan) saw Emma Goldman as his ‘spiritual mother’ and constructed his pseudonym from one syllable each of the names Bakunin and Kropotkin. Needless to say, he was subjected to ‘re-education’ several times, and, in 1989, at the age of 84, was arrested because of his support for the demonstrators in Tiananmen Square. @@ -832,7 +160,7 @@ In 1936 it was estimated that in those parts of Spain not overrun by Franco’s 10. ‘The Land is Yours: Work It!’, slogan on a train in Catalonia, 1936. -The American philosopher of language Noam Chomsky remembers reading about these achievements as a boy in New York, in the Yiddish-language anarchist journal Fraye Arbeter Shtime. There stayed in his mind a report on a poverty-stricken Spanish town, Membrilla, in whose miserable huts eight thousand people lived, with ‘no newspaper, no cinema, neither a cafe nor a library’. But the villagers shared food, clothing, and tools, and took in a large number of refugees. ‘It was, however, not a socialisation of wealth but of poverty . . . Membrilla is perhaps the poorest village of Spain, but it is the most just.’ Chomsky comments that +The American philosopher of language Noam Chomsky remembers reading about these achievements as a boy in New York, in the Yiddish-language anarchist journal Fraye Arbeter Shtime. There stayed in his mind a report on a poverty-stricken Spanish town, Membrilla, in whose miserable huts eight thousand people lived, with ‘no newspaper, no cinema, neither a cafe nor a library’. But the villagers shared food, clothing, and tools, and took in a large number of refugees. ‘It was, however, not a socialisation of wealth but of poverty ... Membrilla is perhaps the poorest village of Spain, but it is the most just.’ Chomsky comments that An account such as this, with its concern for human relations and the ideal of a just society, must appear very strange to the consciousness of the sophisticated intellectual, and it is therefore treated with scorn, or taken to be naive or primitive or otherwise irrational. Only when such prejudice is abandoned will it be possible for historians to undertake a serious study of the popular movement that transformed Republican Spain in one of the most remarkable social revolutions that history records. @@ -848,25 +176,23 @@ Meanwhile, decades later, a new series of popular uprisings rediscovered anarchi As the regimes of their jailers collapsed around them, there was some comfort for the surviving anarchists, with their black flags of protest against the new capitalism steered into being by their old oppressors. They were still monotonously right and their priorities remained the same. -* Chapter 3 -
-States, societies, and the collapse of socialism +* Chapter 3: States, societies, and the collapse of socialism -There is a vital distinction, stressed by anarchists, between society and the state. It has been obvious for centuries, and although many political thinkers have ignored this distinction, it was as clear, for example, to such 20th-century academics as Isaiah Berlin or G. D. H. Cole as it was in the 18th century to Thomas Paine, cited in the previous chapter. However, accompanying the collapse of the Soviet Empire there has been a rediscovery by political enquirers of ‘civil society’. +There is a vital distinction, stressed by anarchists, between society and the state. It has been obvious for centuries, and although many political thinkers have ignored this distinction, it was as clear, for example, to such 20th-century academics as Isaiah Berlin or G. D. H. Cole as it was in the 18th century to Thomas Paine, cited in the previous chapter. However, accompanying the collapse of the Soviet Empire there has been a rediscovery by political enquirers of ‘civil society’. The philosopher Martin Buber was the friend and executor of the German anarchist Gustav Landauer, whose observation about the nature of the state as a mode of human behaviour is discussed in [[#calibre_link-35][Chapter 1]]. In his capacity as a professor of sociology, Buber provided a striking polarization of the two principles of human behaviour involved: the political and the social. He saw the characteristics of the political principle to be power, authority, hierarchy, and dominion, while the social principle was visible to him in all spontaneous human associations built around a common need or common interest. The problem that arose was that of identifying the reason for the continual ascendancy of the political principle. Buber’s answer suggested that -the fact that every people feels itself threatened by the others gives the state its definite unifying power; it depends upon the instinct of self-preservation of society itself; the latent external crisis enables it to get the upper hand in internal crises . . . All forms of government have this in common: each possesses more power than is required by the given conditions; in fact, this excess in the capacity for making dispositions is actually what we understand by political power. The measure of this excess . . . represents the exact difference between administration and government. +the fact that every people feels itself threatened by the others gives the state its definite unifying power; it depends upon the instinct of self-preservation of society itself; the latent external crisis enables it to get the upper hand in internal crises ... All forms of government have this in common: each possesses more power than is required by the given conditions; in fact, this excess in the capacity for making dispositions is actually what we understand by political power. The measure of this excess ... represents the exact difference between administration and government. Buber described this excess, which he admitted could not be computed exactly, as the ‘political surplus’, and observed that its justification derives from the external and internal instability, from the latent state of crisis between nations and within every nation. The political principle is always stronger in relation to the social principle than the given conditions require. The result is a continuous diminution in social spontaneity. -Social spontaneity is highly valued by anarchists but is not on the agenda of the politicians involved in dismantling the British post-war welfare state, and recommending the virtues of profit-making private enterprise. Anarchists are frequently told that their antipathy to the state is historically outmoded, since a main function of the modern state is the provision of social welfare. They respond by stressing that social welfare in Britain did not originate from government, nor from the post-war National Insurance laws, nor with the initiation of the National Health Service in 1948. It evolved from the vast network of friendly societies and mutual aid organizations that had sprung up through working-class self-help in the 19th century. +Social spontaneity is highly valued by anarchists but is not on the agenda of the politicians involved in dismantling the British post-war welfare state, and recommending the virtues of profit-making private enterprise. Anarchists are frequently told that their antipathy to the state is historically outmoded, since a main function of the modern state is the provision of social welfare. They respond by stressing that social welfare in Britain did not originate from government, nor from the post-war National Insurance laws, nor with the initiation of the National Health Service in 1948. It evolved from the vast network of friendly societies and mutual aid organizations that had sprung up through working-class self-help in the 19th century. The founding father of the NHS was the then member of parliament for Tredegar in South Wales, Aneurin Bevan, the Labour Government’s Minister of Health. His constituency was the home of the Tredegar Medical Society, founded in 1870 and surviving until 1995. It provided medical care for the local employed workers, who were mostly miners and steelworkers, but also (unlike the pre-1948 National Health Insurance) for the needs of dependants, children, the old, and the non-employed: everyone living in the district. It was -sustained through the years by voluntary contributions of three old pennies in the pound from the wage-packets of miners and steelworkers . . . At one time the society employed five doctors, a dentist, a chiropodist and a physiotherapist to care for the health of about 25,000 people. +sustained through the years by voluntary contributions of three old pennies in the pound from the wage-packets of miners and steelworkers ... At one time the society employed five doctors, a dentist, a chiropodist and a physiotherapist to care for the health of about 25,000 people. A retired miner told Peter Hennessy that when Bevan initiated the National Health Service, ‘We thought he was turning the whole country into one big Tredegar.’ In practice, the Health Service has been in a state of continuous reorganization ever since its foundation, but has never been submitted to a local and federalized approach to medical care. A second reflection on the story of Tredegar is that when every employed worker in that town paid a voluntary levy to extend the local medical service to every resident, the earnings of even highly skilled industrial workers were below the liability to income tax. But ever since full employment and the system of PAYE (automatic deduction of tax as a duty of employers) was introduced during the Second World War, the central government’s Treasury has creamed off the cash that once supported local initiatives. If the pattern of local self-taxation on the Tredegar model had become the general pattern for health provision, this permanent daily need would not have become the plaything of central government financial policy. @@ -878,7 +204,7 @@ It is often suggested that as a result of modern personal mobility and instant c Alternative patterns of social control of local facilities could have emerged, but for the fact that centralized government imposed national uniformity, while popular disillusionment with the bureaucratic welfare state coincided with the rise of the all-party gospel of managerial capitalism. Anarchists claim that after the inevitable disappointment, an alternative concept of socialism will be rediscovered. They argue that the identification of social welfare with bureaucratic managerialism is one of the factors that has delayed the exploration of other approaches for half a century. -The private sector, as it is called, is happy to take over the health needs of those citizens who can pay its bills. Other citizens would either have to suffer the minimal services that remain for them, or to re-create the institutions that they built up in the 19th century. The anarchists see their methods as more relevant than ever, waiting to be reinvented, precisely because modern society has learned the limitations of both socialist and capitalist alternatives. +The private sector, as it is called, is happy to take over the health needs of those citizens who can pay its bills. Other citizens would either have to suffer the minimal services that remain for them, or to re-create the institutions that they built up in the 19th century. The anarchists see their methods as more relevant than ever, waiting to be reinvented, precisely because modern society has learned the limitations of both socialist and capitalist alternatives. A once-famous book, James Burnham’s The Managerial Revolution, traced a shift in power in companies from shareholders to managers. But another more recent change in the power structure of public services of every kind has been felt, for example, all through the education system. It is the rise to dominance of professional managers who are the new unassailable masters of every kind of institution. Middle-class professionals in, say, public health, environmental planning, schools and universities, and the social services have found themselves subjected to the same kind of managerial Newspeak that used to outrage working-class trade unionists. Mastery of its grotesque jargon has become the prerequisite for appointment and promotion throughout the job market, except in the submerged economy of hard repetitive work, where the old assumptions of insecurity, long hours, and low pay remain true. @@ -888,19 +214,17 @@ It seems inevitable that anarchist concepts will be reinvented or rediscovered c They should be voluntary and functional for obvious reasons. There is no point in advocating individual freedom and responsibility if we go on to set up organizations in which membership is mandatory, or which have no purpose. There is a tendency for bodies to continue to exist after having outlived their functions. They should be temporary precisely because permanence is one of those factors that hardens the arteries of any organization, giving it a vested interest in its own survival, or in serving the interests of its office-holders rather than performing its ostensible functions. Finally, they should be small because in small, face-to-face groups the bureaucratizing and hierarchical tendencies inherent in all organizations have least opportunity to develop. -The 20th century experienced or witnessed every variety of state socialism, and learned that if its rulers are ruthless enough, they can impose, for a while, the most bizarre regimes and describe them as socialism. As socialism has been grossly misrepresented, so anarchism suffers from the widely held view that it is simply another variety of millenarianism, the belief in the eventual arrival, ‘after the revolution’, of a period of ultimate happiness when all the problems that beset humanity will have been solved, permanently. The 19th-century anarchist propaganda, in common with other varieties of socialist propaganda, frequently implied this, but I have seldom met 20th-century anarchists who admitted to this simple faith. As for the great 20th-century tragedy of the Soviet Union, promising earthly paradise for future generations earned by today’s sacrifice, the anarchist inquest on it was written as long ago as 1847 by Bakunin’s friend, the Russian populist Alexander Herzen: +The 20th century experienced or witnessed every variety of state socialism, and learned that if its rulers are ruthless enough, they can impose, for a while, the most bizarre regimes and describe them as socialism. As socialism has been grossly misrepresented, so anarchism suffers from the widely held view that it is simply another variety of millenarianism, the belief in the eventual arrival, ‘after the revolution’, of a period of ultimate happiness when all the problems that beset humanity will have been solved, permanently. The 19th-century anarchist propaganda, in common with other varieties of socialist propaganda, frequently implied this, but I have seldom met 20th-century anarchists who admitted to this simple faith. As for the great 20th-century tragedy of the Soviet Union, promising earthly paradise for future generations earned by today’s sacrifice, the anarchist inquest on it was written as long ago as 1847 by Bakunin’s friend, the Russian populist Alexander Herzen: If progress is the goal, for whom then are we working? Who is this Moloch who, as the toilers approach him, instead of rewarding them, draws back, and as a consolation to the exhausted multitudes shouting, ‘We, who are about to die, salute thee!’, can only give the mocking answer that after their death all will be beautiful on earth. Do you really wish to condemn human beings alive today to the mere sad role of caryatids supporting a floor for others one day to dance upon? Of wretched galley slaves who, up to their knees in mud, drag a barge with the humble words ‘Future Progress’ on its flag? A goal which is infinitely remote is not a goal at all, it is a deception. A goal must be closer – at the very least the labourer’s wage or pleasure in the work performed. Each epoch, each generation, each life has had, and has, its own experience, and en route new demands grow, new methods. -Socialism in the 20th century promised ‘jam tomorrow’ so regularly, and the promise remained so often unfulfilled, that as Herzen insisted, new generations will have to evolve their own more immediate social aims, which, the anarchists hope, will be structured around styles of social organization other than the machinery of the state. +Socialism in the 20th century promised ‘jam tomorrow’ so regularly, and the promise remained so often unfulfilled, that as Herzen insisted, new generations will have to evolve their own more immediate social aims, which, the anarchists hope, will be structured around styles of social organization other than the machinery of the state. But because it is frequently suggested that anarchism is simply inappropriate for the scale of modern society, the concept of federalism is vital for any attempt to build an anarchist theory of organization. Anarchist approaches to federalism are fully discussed in [[#calibre_link-36][Chapter 9]]. -* Chapter 4 -
-Deflating nationalism and fundamentalism +* Chapter 4: Deflating nationalism and fundamentalism The anarchists claim that popular self-organization could provide those new forms of social organization which, as Kropotkin put it in an observation I have cited earlier, would undertake ‘those social functions that the state fulfils through the bureaucracy’. However, these are not the only issues that are raised when sceptics dismiss anarchism as a primitive ideology that is simply not relevant to the modern world. They have a different reason, as they observe the modern nation state and the intense hostilities and rivalries arising between the government of any major state and others. Or, indeed, the lethal hatreds visible among different factions within one territory that has been designated as a state, and the frightening antagonisms that emerge between the adherents of different religions. They may notice especially the poisonous legacy of European imperialism to the territories that the empire-building powers seized and colonized. @@ -910,7 +234,7 @@ have an in-built tendency towards extremism and xenophobia, towards self-righteo It is hard to see how the anarchists, with an absolute hostility to both religious rivalries and territorial politics, can engage in these disputes, beyond the direct rejection of imperialism, except to wish that they were in the past. Abstention itself can be a perilous, though necessary, attitude, and we have all observed around the globe instances when the zealots have turned their most vicious attention to those who dare to attempt an accommodation with the people on ‘the other side’. Martin Buber, who, half a century ago, made some valuable contributions to an assessment of anarchism, warned his fellow Zionists as long ago as 1921 that if the Jews in Palestine did not live with the Arabs as well as next to them, they would find themselves living in enmity with them. When he died, 44 years later, the obituarists noted that his advocacy of bi-nationalism caused him to be ostracized by the orthodox as ‘an enemy of the people’. -These 20th-century responses were certainly not anticipated by the 19th-century anarchists. Their classical statement on religion as a social phenomenon came from the most widely circulated work of the Russian anarchist Michael Bakunin, God and the State. In this fragment, written in 1871, he deplores the fact that belief in God still survived among the people, especially, as he put it, ‘in the rural districts, where it is more widespread than among the proletariat of the cities’. He thought this faith in religion was all too natural, since all governments profited from the ignorance of the people as one of the essential conditions of their own power; while weighed down by labour, deprived of leisure and of intellectual intercourse, the people sought an escape. Bakunin claimed that there were three routes of escape from the miseries of life, two of them illusory and one real. The first two were the bottle and the church, ‘debauchery of the body or debauchery of the mind; the third is social revolution’. Social revolution, he asserted, +These 20th-century responses were certainly not anticipated by the 19th-century anarchists. Their classical statement on religion as a social phenomenon came from the most widely circulated work of the Russian anarchist Michael Bakunin, God and the State. In this fragment, written in 1871, he deplores the fact that belief in God still survived among the people, especially, as he put it, ‘in the rural districts, where it is more widespread than among the proletariat of the cities’. He thought this faith in religion was all too natural, since all governments profited from the ignorance of the people as one of the essential conditions of their own power; while weighed down by labour, deprived of leisure and of intellectual intercourse, the people sought an escape. Bakunin claimed that there were three routes of escape from the miseries of life, two of them illusory and one real. The first two were the bottle and the church, ‘debauchery of the body or debauchery of the mind; the third is social revolution’. Social revolution, he asserted, will be much more potent than all the theological propagandism of the freethinkers to destroy to their last vestige the religious beliefs and dissolute habits of the people, beliefs and habits much more intimately connected than is generally supposed. @@ -922,9 +246,9 @@ In parochial English terms, one slow, grudgingly conceded result of the Enlighte It wasn’t until 1858 that legal disabilities were lifted from believing Jews, and not until 1871 that people who could not subscribe to the 39 Articles of the Church of England were admitted to the ancient universities. The Church of England may be an irrelevance to the majority of the British people, but it is a reminder of an important social and political fact. One result of the Enlightenment was that the people who wrote the constitutions of many states sought to learn the lessons of history and the horrors of religious wars by insisting on the absolute separation of religious practices from public life. Religion was to be a private affair. -This was true of the founding fathers of the United States of America, whose ancestors had fled religious persecution in Europe; it was true of the French Republic, and consequently of those countries which, with immense loss of life, liberated themselves from French imperialism. And it is true of many new republics similarly founded as a result of the collapse of imperialism in the 20th century. Some key examples are the republics of India, Turkey, Egypt, Algeria, and Israel. +This was true of the founding fathers of the United States of America, whose ancestors had fled religious persecution in Europe; it was true of the French Republic, and consequently of those countries which, with immense loss of life, liberated themselves from French imperialism. And it is true of many new republics similarly founded as a result of the collapse of imperialism in the 20th century. Some key examples are the republics of India, Turkey, Egypt, Algeria, and Israel. -Now, all over the world, the secular state is under threat. Secular political regimes in North Africa and the Middle East are confronted by militant religious movements, and there is a growing fundamentalist threat to the secular constitution of the United States. This isn’t what Bakunin or Marx, or any other political thinker of the 19th century, from Alexis de Tocqueville to John Stuart Mill, predicted. +Now, all over the world, the secular state is under threat. Secular political regimes in North Africa and the Middle East are confronted by militant religious movements, and there is a growing fundamentalist threat to the secular constitution of the United States. This isn’t what Bakunin or Marx, or any other political thinker of the 19th century, from Alexis de Tocqueville to John Stuart Mill, predicted. The unexpected and unwelcome change in the religious atmosphere which we call fundamentalism arose from a trend in religious revivalism in the United States after the First World War, which insisted on belief in the literal truth of everything in the Bible. The use of the term has spread to describe trends in the Jewish, Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, and Shinto religions which, to outsiders, present similar features. They are a threat not only to the hard-won concept of the secular state, which anarchists may not feel to be important, but to the hard-won freedoms of every citizen. The anarchist and secularist propagandist Nicolas Walter urged us to take this threat seriously, stressing that @@ -954,11 +278,9 @@ Another vital issue was raised by the Moroccan scholar Fatima Mernissi, when she When I finished writing this book I had come to understand one thing: if women’s rights are a problem for some modern Muslim men, it is neither because of the Koran, nor the Prophet, nor the Islamic tradition, but simply because those rights conflict with the interests of a male elite. The elite faction is trying to convince us that their egotistical, highly subjective and mediocre view of culture and society has a sacred basis. -In common with all the other left-wing factions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the anarchists saw territorial and religious separatism as irrelevant preoccupations that human society had outgrown. Their only possible message is the hope that zealotry will lose its impetus when its leaders find they have no followers, as people discover more interesting, more enjoyable, or at the very least less lethal, issues to discuss with their neighbours. +In common with all the other left-wing factions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the anarchists saw territorial and religious separatism as irrelevant preoccupations that human society had outgrown. Their only possible message is the hope that zealotry will lose its impetus when its leaders find they have no followers, as people discover more interesting, more enjoyable, or at the very least less lethal, issues to discuss with their neighbours. -* Chapter 5 -
-Containing deviancy and liberating work +* Chapter 5: Containing deviancy and liberating work From the fall of the Bastille in 1789, which actually released only seven prisoners, to the death of Stalin in 1953, which slowly liberated millions, the anarchists, through personal experience, provided an impressive literature on the defects of the penal system. Kropotkin’s first book was his account of his experiences In Russian and French Prisons (1887), and Alexander Berkman’s was his Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist (1912). @@ -966,19 +288,19 @@ It was Kropotkin who first used the phrase ‘prisons are the universities of cr Peoples without political organisation, and therefore less depraved than ourselves, have perfectly understood that the man who is called ‘criminal’ is simply unfortunate; that the remedy is not to flog him, to chain him up, or to kill him on the scaffold or in prison, but to help him by the most brotherly care, by treatment based on equality, by the usages of life amongst honest men. -It could be claimed that the best service the British and American governments in the two world wars of the 20th century could have provided to the cause of penal reform was the imprisonment of war-resisters. The jailed objectors, beyond the appalling hardships that befell some of them in the First World War, had several important attributes. They tended to be literate people and keen observers of their surroundings and of their fellow prisoners. They also had a useful sense of moral superiority over their jailers, seeing the humiliations they suffered as a reflection, not of their own situation, but of that of the good citizens who had chosen to incarcerate them. +It could be claimed that the best service the British and American governments in the two world wars of the 20th century could have provided to the cause of penal reform was the imprisonment of war-resisters. The jailed objectors, beyond the appalling hardships that befell some of them in the First World War, had several important attributes. They tended to be literate people and keen observers of their surroundings and of their fellow prisoners. They also had a useful sense of moral superiority over their jailers, seeing the humiliations they suffered as a reflection, not of their own situation, but of that of the good citizens who had chosen to incarcerate them. -These observers recognized and publicized what a handful of 19th-century reformers had already pointed out: that many of their fellow prisoners, serving the current prison sentence for a lifetime career of petty theft, petty violence, drug-dealing, or drunken idiocy, came from a background that made their offences and incarceration almost inevitable. Many of us, learning the cost to the citizen of keeping any individual in jail, and realizing that it is far more than our own incomes, could fervently wish that we had taken heed of the warnings of the penal reformers, who had sought to draw our attention to the common factors in the lives of the people we imprison. Frequently, for example, inmates have a background of institutional childhood, of mental instability, or of educational failure. They are also, overwhelmingly, male. +These observers recognized and publicized what a handful of 19th-century reformers had already pointed out: that many of their fellow prisoners, serving the current prison sentence for a lifetime career of petty theft, petty violence, drug-dealing, or drunken idiocy, came from a background that made their offences and incarceration almost inevitable. Many of us, learning the cost to the citizen of keeping any individual in jail, and realizing that it is far more than our own incomes, could fervently wish that we had taken heed of the warnings of the penal reformers, who had sought to draw our attention to the common factors in the lives of the people we imprison. Frequently, for example, inmates have a background of institutional childhood, of mental instability, or of educational failure. They are also, overwhelmingly, male. -Recognition of these factors was one of the influences at the end of the 19th century leading to the establishment in both Britain and America of the probation service, in which, as an alternative to prison, a probation officer was charged with the task of becoming the friend and advisor of the offender, and with helping him to lead a normal working and family life. Through much of the 20th century there was a slow humanization of the penal system, so far as this was possible, inspired by the reformers who had been inmates and observers in the war years, despite frequent opposition from the staff of penal establishments. +Recognition of these factors was one of the influences at the end of the 19th century leading to the establishment in both Britain and America of the probation service, in which, as an alternative to prison, a probation officer was charged with the task of becoming the friend and advisor of the offender, and with helping him to lead a normal working and family life. Through much of the 20th century there was a slow humanization of the penal system, so far as this was possible, inspired by the reformers who had been inmates and observers in the war years, despite frequent opposition from the staff of penal establishments. Practitioners of various therapeutic approaches gained access, sporadically, to the penal system, with the support of some prison governors, with significant results. They urged the prison staff that their own status and job satisfaction would be enhanced if their work was perceived as curative rather than custodial. Many anarchists were sceptical about these efforts to civilize the penal system, and so, of course, was the popular press, which regularly described open prisons as holiday camps (revealing their journalists’ ignorance of both). In the decades following the Second World War, many countries witnessed a steady decline in the prison population. (Notable exceptions were the Soviet Union and the nations whose governments it influenced.) David Cayley explained that -The Netherlands set the standard, bringing a rate of 90 prisoners per 100,000 of population after the war down to a remarkable 17 per 100,000 in 1975 . . . Reductions in imprisonment had been brought about by what Dutch criminologist Willem de Haan once called the ‘politics of bad conscience.’ +The Netherlands set the standard, bringing a rate of 90 prisoners per 100,000 of population after the war down to a remarkable 17 per 100,000 in 1975 ... Reductions in imprisonment had been brought about by what Dutch criminologist Willem de Haan once called the ‘politics of bad conscience.’ But from the late 1970s onwards, the politics of bad conscience were replaced by the contrasting approach described by the criminologist Andrew Rutherford as ‘a politics of good conscience about imprisonment’. Criminal statistics are notoriously difficult to interpret, because they reflect simply the number of arrests for a range of offences that any police force is expected to record. But penal statistics are readily available and tell a terrifying story. David Cayley reported in 1998 that -To help house the 1.5 million Americans currently in prison, 168 new state prisons and 45 new federal prisons were built between 1990 and 1995 alone, but these were still not enough to accommodate the numbers of new prisoners . . . The United States has now exposed so many of its citizens – especially its Black and Hispanic citizens – to the brutalizing effects of its prisons that a self-fulfilling prophecy has been set in motion. The more Americans who are manhandled by the criminal justice system, the more there are whose behaviour seems to justify and demand this treatment. +To help house the 1.5 million Americans currently in prison, 168 new state prisons and 45 new federal prisons were built between 1990 and 1995 alone, but these were still not enough to accommodate the numbers of new prisoners ... The United States has now exposed so many of its citizens – especially its Black and Hispanic citizens – to the brutalizing effects of its prisons that a self-fulfilling prophecy has been set in motion. The more Americans who are manhandled by the criminal justice system, the more there are whose behaviour seems to justify and demand this treatment. By the year 2000, prisons in the United States had received their two-millionth inmate. The sociologist David Downes remarked at a conference on crime at New York University that no other nation in history has ever put a bigger proportion of its citizens in jail. The judicial system also ensures that African-American men have a 1 in 4 chance of going to prison during their lifetimes, while the chance is 1 in 23 for their white fellow citizens. Professor Downes was asked whether Europe would be affected by the American example. He replied that ‘The components of a steep rise in imprisonment in Europe have already been assembled.’ His answer was correct, and Britain leads Europe in the proportion of its citizens that it incarcerates. Alternative approaches, shared by the anarchists with other penal reformers, have been rejected by the politicians and their public. This does not persuade reformers to change their opinions, but merely to await an eventual shift in public attitudes. @@ -996,7 +318,7 @@ There is just one field of law-breaking and law-enforcement in which a policy of (London: Freedom Press, 1965) -In two European cities, Zurich and Amsterdam, local authorities have boldly sought to implement such a policy, and in Britain, by the beginning of the 21st century, at least two chief constables have expressed a similar point of view, earning sensational headlines but little practical support. +In two European cities, Zurich and Amsterdam, local authorities have boldly sought to implement such a policy, and in Britain, by the beginning of the 21st century, at least two chief constables have expressed a similar point of view, earning sensational headlines but little practical support. Politicians of the major parties in Britain won popular acclaim with rhetoric about giving offenders a ‘short, sharp shock’ or sending them to ‘Boot Camps’, and by circumscribing the efforts of the probation service to keep released offenders out of jail. Even the staccato, single-syllable language of these programmes indicates that the intention was not to cope with the problem of crime but to satisfy the headline-writers of the popular press, the real determinants of penal policy. In the United States, the Republican Party’s electoral success is seen to be related to its ability to portray its opponents as ‘soft on crime’. @@ -1022,9 +344,7 @@ It turns out that far from being an especially purposeful breed of men, Samuel S Findings like these are far from the expectations of the anarcho-syndicalists, who envisaged a triumphant take-over of the factory by its workers, but they indicate clearly that anarchist aspirations are close to the dreams of vast numbers of citizens who feel trapped by the culture of employment. -* Chapter 6 -
-Freedom in education +* Chapter 6: Freedom in education The editors of a well-known anthology of anarchist writings remark that, from the school prospectus issued by William Godwin in 1783 to Paul Goodman’s book of 1964 on Compulsory Miseducation, ‘no other movement whatever has assigned to educational principles, concepts, experiments and practices a more significant place in its writings and activities’. Godwin’s tract was published as An Account of the Seminary that will be Opened on Monday the Fourth Day of August, at Epsom in Surrey, for the Instruction of Twelve Pupils. It failed to convince enough parents, and the school never opened. In this pamphlet he declared that @@ -1040,13 +360,13 @@ Children, it is said, are free from the cares of the world. Are they without the Between these two resounding manifestos came Godwin’s best-known book, his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793). In the course of this book he diverged sharply from progressive opinion in Britain and from the Enlightenment philosophers Rousseau, Helvetius, Diderot, and Condorcet, all of whom put forward schemes for national systems of schooling, postulating an ideal state, which in Godwin’s view was a contradiction in terms. He outlined his three major objections thus: -The injuries that result from a system of national education are, in the first place, that all public establishments include in them the idea of permanence . . . public education has always expended its energies in the support of prejudice . . . This feature runs through every species of public establishment; and even in the petty institution of Sunday schools, the chief lessons to be taught are a superstitious veneration for the Church of England, and to bow to every man in a handsome coat . . . +The injuries that result from a system of national education are, in the first place, that all public establishments include in them the idea of permanence ... public education has always expended its energies in the support of prejudice ... This feature runs through every species of public establishment; and even in the petty institution of Sunday schools, the chief lessons to be taught are a superstitious veneration for the Church of England, and to bow to every man in a handsome coat ... -Secondly, the idea of national education is founded in an inattention to the nature of mind. Whatever each man does for himself is done well; whatever his neighbours or his country undertake to do for him is done ill. It is our wisdom to incite men to act for themselves, not to retain them in a state of perpetual pupillage . . . +Secondly, the idea of national education is founded in an inattention to the nature of mind. Whatever each man does for himself is done well; whatever his neighbours or his country undertake to do for him is done ill. It is our wisdom to incite men to act for themselves, not to retain them in a state of perpetual pupillage ... -Thirdly, the project of a national education ought uniformly to be discouraged on account of its obvious alliance with national government. This is an alliance of a more formidable nature than the old and much contested alliance of church and state. Before we put so powerful a machine under the direction of so ambitious an agent, it behoves us to consider well what we do. Government will not fail to employ it to strengthen its hand and perpetuate its institutions . . . Their views as instigators of a system of education will not fail to be analogous to their views in their political capacity . . . [Even] in the countries where liberty chiefly prevails, it is reasonably to be assumed that there are important errors, and a national system has the most direct tendency to perpetuate those errors and to form all minds on one model. +Thirdly, the project of a national education ought uniformly to be discouraged on account of its obvious alliance with national government. This is an alliance of a more formidable nature than the old and much contested alliance of church and state. Before we put so powerful a machine under the direction of so ambitious an agent, it behoves us to consider well what we do. Government will not fail to employ it to strengthen its hand and perpetuate its institutions ... Their views as instigators of a system of education will not fail to be analogous to their views in their political capacity ... [Even] in the countries where liberty chiefly prevails, it is reasonably to be assumed that there are important errors, and a national system has the most direct tendency to perpetuate those errors and to form all minds on one model. -Some admirers of Godwin’s thought have been embarrassed by this rejection of ‘progressive’ opinion. They recall the hard struggle to achieve free, universal, compulsory education for all in both Britain and the United States after 1870. (There is a confusing similarity of educational language in Britain and the United States. In the United States ‘public’ schools are the primary and secondary schools provided at the public expense. In Britain ‘private’ and ‘public’ are the words used to describe the junior and senior schools funded by affluent parents for their privileged children; the schools described as ‘state’ schools are actually administered by local government authorities.) In Britain, a centenary publication from the National Union of Teachers in 1970 explained that ‘apart from religious and charitable schools, “dame” or common schools were operated by the private enterprise of people who were often barely literate’, and it dismissed the widespread working-class hostility to the School Boards of the 19th century with the remark that ‘parents were not always quick to appreciate the advantages of full-time schooling against the loss of extra wages’. +Some admirers of Godwin’s thought have been embarrassed by this rejection of ‘progressive’ opinion. They recall the hard struggle to achieve free, universal, compulsory education for all in both Britain and the United States after 1870. (There is a confusing similarity of educational language in Britain and the United States. In the United States ‘public’ schools are the primary and secondary schools provided at the public expense. In Britain ‘private’ and ‘public’ are the words used to describe the junior and senior schools funded by affluent parents for their privileged children; the schools described as ‘state’ schools are actually administered by local government authorities.) In Britain, a centenary publication from the National Union of Teachers in 1970 explained that ‘apart from religious and charitable schools, “dame” or common schools were operated by the private enterprise of people who were often barely literate’, and it dismissed the widespread working-class hostility to the School Boards of the 19th century with the remark that ‘parents were not always quick to appreciate the advantages of full-time schooling against the loss of extra wages’. But more recently historians have seen this resistance to state schooling in a quite different light. Stephen Humphries found that, by the 1860s, working-class private schools (as opposed to what is meant today by private schools) were providing an alternative education to that of the charitable or religious ‘National’ or ‘British’ schools for about one-third of all working-class children, and he suggests that @@ -1098,15 +418,13 @@ The anarchist approach has been more influential in education than in most other In some parts of the world, the battle for the freedom of the young is in the past. In others, it has still to be won. Some of the attempts in Britain to provide an alternative experience for the young people who are excluded from the official education system are described in [[#calibre_link-3][Chapter 8]]. -* Chapter 7 -
-The individualist response +* Chapter 7: The individualist response For a century, anarchists have used the word ‘libertarian’ as a synonym for ‘anarchist’, both as a noun and an adjective. The celebrated anarchist journal Le Libertaire was founded in 1895. However, much more recently the word has been appropriated by various American free-market philosophers – David Friedman, Robert Nozick, Murray Rothbard, and Robert Paul Wolff – so it is necessary to examine the modern individualist ‘libertarian’ response from the standpoint of the anarchist tradition. In approaching this theme, one obstacle to circumnavigate is the German advocate of ‘conscious egoism’, Max Stirner. He was born Johann Caspar Schmidt (1806–56) and his book, published in 1845, Der Einzige und sein Eigentum, was translated into English in 1907 as The Ego and His Own. I have made several efforts to read this book, but have continually found it incomprehensible. I used to excuse myself with the comment that the cult of the ‘Ego’ seemed to me as distasteful as Nietzsche’s ‘Superman’, but anarchist admirers of Stirner assure me that his approach is quite different from Nietzsche’s. They argue that Stirner’s ‘conscious egoism’ does not in any way deny the human tendency towards altruistic behaviour, precisely because our own self-image is gratified by the way we perceive ourselves as social beings. They also draw my attention to Stirner’s anticipation of the later perception by Robert Michels of an ‘iron law of oligarchy’, diagnosing an inbuilt tendency of all human institutions to ossify into oppressive bodies, which have to be opposed in the name of individual liberty. -Far more typical than Stirner of the anarchist individualist current was a long series of American activists and innovators, predating the vigorous history of anarchist propaganda among numerous immigrant groups of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: German, Russian, Jewish, Swedish, Dutch, Italian, and Spanish. Such guidebooks as James J. Martin’s Men Against the State (which first appeared in 1953) and David DeLeon’s The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous Radicalism (which first appeared in 1978) provide a rich and varied history in the United States of inventive individual and social anarchist argument and experiment. +Far more typical than Stirner of the anarchist individualist current was a long series of American activists and innovators, predating the vigorous history of anarchist propaganda among numerous immigrant groups of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: German, Russian, Jewish, Swedish, Dutch, Italian, and Spanish. Such guidebooks as James J. Martin’s Men Against the State (which first appeared in 1953) and David DeLeon’s The American as Anarchist: Reflections on Indigenous Radicalism (which first appeared in 1978) provide a rich and varied history in the United States of inventive individual and social anarchist argument and experiment. The immigrant tradition was of social and collective ventures rapidly growing into deeply rooted organizations for welfare and conviviality. It included workers’ unions, schools, and cooperatives. The indigenous tradition was far more individualistic but its protagonists have had a remarkable range of impacts on American life. Their chroniclers distinguish between the ideologies of these libertarians of the Left, and that of the libertarians of the Right. As David DeLeon separates them: ‘While the libertarians of the Right despise the state because it hinders the freedom of property, Left libertarians condemn the state because it is a bastion of property.’ @@ -1124,7 +442,7 @@ Like that of Warren, the individualism of S. P. Andrews led him to recommend com Benjamin R. Tucker (1854–1939) was, in his day, the best-known of the American individualist anarchists, since his journal Liberty lasted a quarter of a century, until his Boston printing shop was burned down in 1907. He was also the pioneer translator of Proudhon and Bakunin. -But among the American libertarians of the 19th century, the most individual and the best remembered is Henry David Thoreau (1817–62). His famous book Walden is an account of the two years he spent seeking self-sufficiency in the hut he built for himself near Concord, Massachusetts. This did not imply a withdrawal from American life, for the man who declared that the soldier’s natural enemy is the government that drills him was his country’s most forthright subversive. One of his essays, usually called ‘On the duty of civil disobedience’, though originally published in 1849 as ‘Resistance to civil government’, attracted no attention at the time, but subsequently influenced both Tolstoy and Gandhi (who read it in prison in South Africa). Martin Luther King read it as a student in Atlanta, and recalled that, +But among the American libertarians of the 19th century, the most individual and the best remembered is Henry David Thoreau (1817–62). His famous book Walden is an account of the two years he spent seeking self-sufficiency in the hut he built for himself near Concord, Massachusetts. This did not imply a withdrawal from American life, for the man who declared that the soldier’s natural enemy is the government that drills him was his country’s most forthright subversive. One of his essays, usually called ‘On the duty of civil disobedience’, though originally published in 1849 as ‘Resistance to civil government’, attracted no attention at the time, but subsequently influenced both Tolstoy and Gandhi (who read it in prison in South Africa). Martin Luther King read it as a student in Atlanta, and recalled that, Fascinated by the idea of refusing to co-operate with an evil system, I was so deeply moved that I reread the work several times. This was my first intellectual contact with the theory of non-violent resistance. @@ -1132,9 +450,9 @@ Thoreau’s essay on civil disobedience, originating in his sense of outrage at Another remarkable American individualist, Randolph Bourne (1886–1918), invented a famous phrase during the First World War, as he observed the process by which his country was manouevred into participating in that war. ‘War is the health of the state’, he claimed, and he explained that -The State is the organisation of the herd to act offensively or defensively against another herd similarly organised. War sends the current of purpose and activity flowing down to the lowest level of the herd, and to its most remote branches. All the activities of society are linked together as fast as possible to this central purpose of making a military offensive or military defence, and the State becomes what in peacetime it has vainly struggled to become . . . The slack is taken up, the cross-currents fade out, and the nation moves lumberingly and slowly, but with ever accelerated speed and integration, towards the great end, towards that peacefulness of being at war . . . +The State is the organisation of the herd to act offensively or defensively against another herd similarly organised. War sends the current of purpose and activity flowing down to the lowest level of the herd, and to its most remote branches. All the activities of society are linked together as fast as possible to this central purpose of making a military offensive or military defence, and the State becomes what in peacetime it has vainly struggled to become ... The slack is taken up, the cross-currents fade out, and the nation moves lumberingly and slowly, but with ever accelerated speed and integration, towards the great end, towards that peacefulness of being at war ... -His perception of the way that 20th-century governments have been able to manufacture and manipulate opinion is amply demonstrated by events in the 90 years since he was writing. American anarchist individualist protesters have lobbied in the streets against the policies of the United States government ever since. One was Ammon Hennacy, always described as ‘the one-man revolution’, who maintained a continual individual protest against United States imperialism, from the East Coast to the Southwest, and another was Dorothy Day of the Catholic Worker Movement, who testified for many decades of the 20th century to her faith in self-organizing cooperative communities, which in political terms has to be described as anarchism. +His perception of the way that 20th-century governments have been able to manufacture and manipulate opinion is amply demonstrated by events in the 90 years since he was writing. American anarchist individualist protesters have lobbied in the streets against the policies of the United States government ever since. One was Ammon Hennacy, always described as ‘the one-man revolution’, who maintained a continual individual protest against United States imperialism, from the East Coast to the Southwest, and another was Dorothy Day of the Catholic Worker Movement, who testified for many decades of the 20th century to her faith in self-organizing cooperative communities, which in political terms has to be described as anarchism. Some time later, in the 1970s, a series of books, from academics rather than activists, proclaimed a different style of American libertarianism. They were Robert Paul Wolff’s In Defense of Anarchism; Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State and Utopia; David Friedman’s The Machinery of Freedom; and Murray Rothbard’s For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto. This phalanx of authors have provided the ‘ideological superstructure’ of the swing to the Right in federal and local politics in the United States, and in British politics for the aim of ‘rolling back the frontiers of the State’, which was actually a cloak for increased subservience to central decision-making. Robert Paul Wolff claimed that ‘philosophical anarchism would seem to be the only reasonable belief for an enlightened man’. Robert Nozick is said by the historian Peter Marshall to have ‘helped to make libertarian and anarchist theory acceptable in academic circles’ – no small achievement; while David Friedman has popularized for an American readership the argument of Friedrich von Hayek that welfare legislation is the first step on The Road to Serfdom. @@ -1152,27 +470,25 @@ Beyond an aspiration to repeal all ‘victimless crime’ laws, we did not learn Most anarchists would see this as a rather pathetic evasion of the issues raised by the anarchist criticism of American society, and would prefer to commemorate a far richer heritage of dissent in the United States, exemplified by a long series of well-remembered propagandists, from Thoreau in one generation and Emma Goldman in another, down to Paul Goodman, who bequeathed an intriguing legacy to his anarchist successors. In his last article in the American press, he suggested that -For me, the chief principle of anarchism is not freedom but autonomy, the ability to initiate a task and do it one’s own way. The weakness of ‘my’ anarchism is that the lust for freedom is a powerful motive for political change, whereas autonomy is not. Autonomous people protect themselves stubbornly but by less strenuous means, including plenty of passive resistance. They do it their own way anyway. The pathos of oppressed people, however, is that, if they break free, they don’t know what to do. Not having been autonomous, they don’t know what it’s like, and before they learn, they have new managers who are not in a hurry to abdicate . . . +For me, the chief principle of anarchism is not freedom but autonomy, the ability to initiate a task and do it one’s own way. The weakness of ‘my’ anarchism is that the lust for freedom is a powerful motive for political change, whereas autonomy is not. Autonomous people protect themselves stubbornly but by less strenuous means, including plenty of passive resistance. They do it their own way anyway. The pathos of oppressed people, however, is that, if they break free, they don’t know what to do. Not having been autonomous, they don’t know what it’s like, and before they learn, they have new managers who are not in a hurry to abdicate ... -The 19th-century American individualists were busy creating communes, cooperatives, alternative schools, local currencies, and schemes for mutual banking. They were busy social inventors exploring the potential of autonomy, including women’s liberation and black equality. Their experience, in the social climate of America, illustrates Martin Buber’s insistence, cited in [[#calibre_link-6][Chapter 3]], on the inverse relationship between the social principle and the political principle. The practice of autonomy generates the experience that enlarges the possibility of success. Or as the American anarchist David Wieck expresssed it: ‘The habit of direct action is, perhaps, identical with the habit of being free, prepared to live responsibly in a free society.’ +The 19th-century American individualists were busy creating communes, cooperatives, alternative schools, local currencies, and schemes for mutual banking. They were busy social inventors exploring the potential of autonomy, including women’s liberation and black equality. Their experience, in the social climate of America, illustrates Martin Buber’s insistence, cited in [[#calibre_link-6][Chapter 3]], on the inverse relationship between the social principle and the political principle. The practice of autonomy generates the experience that enlarges the possibility of success. Or as the American anarchist David Wieck expresssed it: ‘The habit of direct action is, perhaps, identical with the habit of being free, prepared to live responsibly in a free society.’ -The American ‘libertarians’ of the 20th century are academics rather than social activists, and their inventiveness seems to be limited to providing an ideology for untrammelled market capitalism. +The American ‘libertarians’ of the 20th century are academics rather than social activists, and their inventiveness seems to be limited to providing an ideology for untrammelled market capitalism. -* Chapter 8 -
-Quiet revolutions +* Chapter 8: Quiet revolutions -The gulf between anarchist aspirations and the actual history of the 20th century could be seen as an indication of the folly of impossible hopes, but for the concurrent failure of other political ideologies of the Left. Which of us was not profoundly relieved by the collapse of Soviet communism, even though we have had little reason to rejoice in subsequent regimes? As the penal settlements slowly emptied of their survivors, the true believers were obliged to question their assumptions. +The gulf between anarchist aspirations and the actual history of the 20th century could be seen as an indication of the folly of impossible hopes, but for the concurrent failure of other political ideologies of the Left. Which of us was not profoundly relieved by the collapse of Soviet communism, even though we have had little reason to rejoice in subsequent regimes? As the penal settlements slowly emptied of their survivors, the true believers were obliged to question their assumptions. Many years ago, the American journalist Dwight Macdonald wrote an article on ‘Politics Past’ which included a long footnote that he later told me was the most-quoted paragraph he had ever written. His footnote said: The revolutionary alternative to the status quo today is not collectivised property administered by a ‘workers’ state’ whatever that means, but some kind of anarchist decentralisation that will break up mass society into small communities where individuals can live together as variegated human beings instead of as impersonal units in the mass sum. The shallowness of the New Deal and the British Labour Party’s post-war regime is shown by their failure to improve any of the important things in people’s lives – the actual relationships on the job, the way they spend their leisure, and child-rearing and sex and art. It is mass living that vitiates all these today, and the State that holds together the status quo. Marxism glorifies ‘the masses’ and endorses the State. Anarchism leads back to the individual and the community, which is ‘impractical’ but necessary – that is to say, it is revolutionary. -In a partial, incomplete, but visible way, several of the revolutions he sought have already transformed the surface of life. To take an example that is by definition superficial, one that is obvious and visible but seldom discussed, consider the revolution in dress in the second half of the 20th century. Fifty years ago in Britain, the social class of men, women, and children could be recognized from their clothing. Today this is no longer true, except for the tiny minority who can read the signs of expensive and exclusive dress. This is usually attributed to the growth of mass production and the fact that the garment trade is the first route to the global economy for a low-paid workforce in the ‘developing’ world. But it has more to do with the relaxation of dress codes, pioneered all through the 20th century by the radical nonconformists’ rejection of fashion. +In a partial, incomplete, but visible way, several of the revolutions he sought have already transformed the surface of life. To take an example that is by definition superficial, one that is obvious and visible but seldom discussed, consider the revolution in dress in the second half of the 20th century. Fifty years ago in Britain, the social class of men, women, and children could be recognized from their clothing. Today this is no longer true, except for the tiny minority who can read the signs of expensive and exclusive dress. This is usually attributed to the growth of mass production and the fact that the garment trade is the first route to the global economy for a low-paid workforce in the ‘developing’ world. But it has more to do with the relaxation of dress codes, pioneered all through the 20th century by the radical nonconformists’ rejection of fashion. The ignoring of dress codes based on occupation or social class was a small and personal rebuff to convention. But of course a far more significant revolution, gaining ground all through the century, has been the women’s movement, rejecting the universal convention of male dominance. Among its anarchist pioneers was Emma Goldman, with her trenchant pamphlet on The Tragedy of Women’s Emancipation, arguing that the vote, which had failed to liberate men, was not likely to free women. Emancipation, she argued, must come from the woman herself, -First, by asserting herself as a personality, and not a sex commodity. Second, by refusing the right to anyone over her body; by refusing to bear children, unless she wants them; by refusing to be a servant to God, the State, society, the husband, the family etc., by making her life simpler, but deeper and richer. That is, by trying to learn the meaning and substance of life in all its complexities, by freeing herself from the fear of public opinion and public condemnation. Only that, and not the ballot, will set women free . . . +First, by asserting herself as a personality, and not a sex commodity. Second, by refusing the right to anyone over her body; by refusing to bear children, unless she wants them; by refusing to be a servant to God, the State, society, the husband, the family etc., by making her life simpler, but deeper and richer. That is, by trying to learn the meaning and substance of life in all its complexities, by freeing herself from the fear of public opinion and public condemnation. Only that, and not the ballot, will set women free ... It was among the anarchists that the habit began of what were called ‘free unions’ as opposed to marriages licensed by church or state. Today these are almost as common as regular marriages, with the result that the stigma once associated with illegitimacy has, during the century, disappeared. This change was, of course, accelerated by the pharmacological revolution of the contraceptive pill. @@ -1180,9 +496,9 @@ Alex Comfort (1920–2000) was a physician, novelist, poet, and anarchist. His l acquiring the awareness and the attitudes which can come from good sexual experience does not make for selfish withdrawal: it is more inclined to radicalise people. The anti-sexualism of authoritarian societies and the people who run them does not spring from conviction (they themselves have sex), but from the vague perception that freedom here might lead to a liking for freedom elsewhere. People who have eroticised their experience of themselves and the world are, on the one hand, inconveniently unwarlike, and on the other, violently combative in resisting political salesmen and racists who threaten the personal freedom they have attained and want to see others share. -Comfort hoped that his books would provide both reassurance and liberation, and that they would be a contribution to another 20th-century revolution: that of the relationships between parents and children. It is hard to imagine in today’s Western Europe the punitive behaviour of parents towards children that was taken for granted a century ago. +Comfort hoped that his books would provide both reassurance and liberation, and that they would be a contribution to another 20th-century revolution: that of the relationships between parents and children. It is hard to imagine in today’s Western Europe the punitive behaviour of parents towards children that was taken for granted a century ago. -The same is true of the relationships between teachers and children. The recollections of people who were schoolchildren in the first decade of the 20th century are full of accounts of the physical punishment they received or that they continually feared. In the century’s last decade a law in Britain banned corporal punishment in schools. This was not a sudden legal decision. It reflected the influence of a handful of ‘progressive’ schools on general educational thinking. +The same is true of the relationships between teachers and children. The recollections of people who were schoolchildren in the first decade of the 20th century are full of accounts of the physical punishment they received or that they continually feared. In the century’s last decade a law in Britain banned corporal punishment in schools. This was not a sudden legal decision. It reflected the influence of a handful of ‘progressive’ schools on general educational thinking. Many observers claim that the school system has failed to prepare for the dilemmas that came in the wake of the abandonment of physical punishment. The teacher is deprived of the weapon that was seen as the ultimate sanction of the school. This has resulted in increased numbers of children being excluded from school because teachers have declined to have them in the class. Anyone who has observed how one disruptive member of the class can make learning impossible for the whole group has no criticism to make of those teachers (especially since their employers put pressure on them not to upset statistics). @@ -1198,7 +514,7 @@ We find no boss in the brain, no oligarchic ganglion or glandular Big Brother. W Among French attempts to sharpen the widespread vaguely libertarian trends were the Situationists, notably Raoul Vaneigem with his manifesto on The Revolution of Everyday Life (1967). As Peter Marshall puts it: -The way out for the Situationists was not to wait for a distant revolution but to reinvent daily life here and now. To transform the perception of the world and to change the structure of society is the same thing. By liberating oneself, one changed power relations and therefore transformed society . . . +The way out for the Situationists was not to wait for a distant revolution but to reinvent daily life here and now. To transform the perception of the world and to change the structure of society is the same thing. By liberating oneself, one changed power relations and therefore transformed society ... The Situationists, like the Kabouters, have passed into history without managing to transform society, but France and the Netherlands, like Britain, have seen a series of modest gains in civilization. @@ -1220,37 +536,35 @@ Having started gently and humorously, the big international demonstrations of op ‘Normal’ police violence at Seattle escalated at the anti-capitalism protest in Gothenburg in June 2001 to the issuing of live ammunition to the police with three people shot. When another anti-capitalist protest was mounted in Genoa in July, the event turned into a violent riot, with armoured vans driving at speed into crowds of protesters and a late-night, cold-blooded and very violent assault by the police on a building where media activists and their material were lodged. -One young anarchist was killed at Genoa, and his death prompted a renewed discussion of strategies of protest. Maybe there are subtler ways of undermining global capitalism? The quiet revolutionaries who transformed the culture of Western countries in the 20th century have not yet discovered them. +One young anarchist was killed at Genoa, and his death prompted a renewed discussion of strategies of protest. Maybe there are subtler ways of undermining global capitalism? The quiet revolutionaries who transformed the culture of Western countries in the 20th century have not yet discovered them. -* Chapter 9 -
-The federalist agenda +* Chapter 9: The federalist agenda A frequent criticism of anarchism is that it is an ideology that fits a world of isolated villages, small enough to be self-governing entities, but not the global, multi-national society that we all inhabit in real life. But in fact the major anarchist thinkers of the past: Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin, had a federalist agenda that was a foretaste of modern debates on European unity. -That minority of children in any European country who were given the opportunity of studying the history of Europe as well as that of their own nations learned that there were two great events in the 19th century: the unification of Germany, achieved by Bismarck and the Emperor Wilhelm I; and the unification of Italy, won by Cavour, Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Vittorio Emanuale II. These triumphs had been welcomed by the whole world (which in those days meant the European world) because Germany and Italy had left behind all those silly little principalities, republics, papal provinces, and city states, to become nation states, empires, and, of course, conquerors. +That minority of children in any European country who were given the opportunity of studying the history of Europe as well as that of their own nations learned that there were two great events in the 19th century: the unification of Germany, achieved by Bismarck and the Emperor Wilhelm I; and the unification of Italy, won by Cavour, Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Vittorio Emanuale II. These triumphs had been welcomed by the whole world (which in those days meant the European world) because Germany and Italy had left behind all those silly little principalities, republics, papal provinces, and city states, to become nation states, empires, and, of course, conquerors. -They had become like France, whose little local despots were finally unified by force, first by Louis XIV with his majestic slogan ‘L’État c’est moi’, and then by Napoleon, heir to the Grande Revolution, just like Stalin in the 20th century, who built up the administrative machinery of terror to ensure that the slogan was true. Or they had become like England, whose kings (and its one republican ruler, Oliver Cromwell) had conquered the Welsh, Scots, and Irish, and sought to dominate the rest of the world outside Europe. The same thing was happening at the other end of Europe. Ivan IV, appropriately named ‘The Terrible’, conquered central Asia as far as the Pacific, and Peter I, known as ‘The Great’, using the techniques he had learned in France and Britain, took over the Baltic, most of Poland, and the west of Ukraine. +They had become like France, whose little local despots were finally unified by force, first by Louis XIV with his majestic slogan ‘L’État c’est moi’, and then by Napoleon, heir to the Grande Revolution, just like Stalin in the 20th century, who built up the administrative machinery of terror to ensure that the slogan was true. Or they had become like England, whose kings (and its one republican ruler, Oliver Cromwell) had conquered the Welsh, Scots, and Irish, and sought to dominate the rest of the world outside Europe. The same thing was happening at the other end of Europe. Ivan IV, appropriately named ‘The Terrible’, conquered central Asia as far as the Pacific, and Peter I, known as ‘The Great’, using the techniques he had learned in France and Britain, took over the Baltic, most of Poland, and the west of Ukraine. -Advanced opinion throughout Europe welcomed Germany and Italy to the gentleman’s club of national and imperial powers. The eventual results in the 20th century were appalling adventures in conquest, with the devastating loss of life among young men from the villages of Europe in the two world wars, and the rise of populist demagogues like Hitler and Mussolini, as well as their endless imitators to this day, who claim L’État c’est moi. Consequently, although we have had all too few politicians arguing for the breakdown of nations, we have a host of them of every persuasion who have sought European unity: economic, social, administrative, or, of course, political. +Advanced opinion throughout Europe welcomed Germany and Italy to the gentleman’s club of national and imperial powers. The eventual results in the 20th century were appalling adventures in conquest, with the devastating loss of life among young men from the villages of Europe in the two world wars, and the rise of populist demagogues like Hitler and Mussolini, as well as their endless imitators to this day, who claim L’État c’est moi. Consequently, although we have had all too few politicians arguing for the breakdown of nations, we have a host of them of every persuasion who have sought European unity: economic, social, administrative, or, of course, political. -Needless to say, in efforts for unification promoted by politicians we have a multitude of administrators in Brussels issuing edicts about which varieties of vegetable seeds, or what constituents of beefburgers or ice cream, may be sold in the shops of member nations. The newspapers joyfully report all this trivia. The press gives far less attention to another undercurrent of pan-European opinion, evolving from the views expressed in Strasbourg from people of every political hue, claiming the existence of a ‘Europe of the Regions’, and daring to argue that the nation state was a phenomenon of the 16th to 19th centuries, which will not have any useful future in the 21st century. The forthcoming pattern of administration in the federated Europe that they are struggling to discover is a link between, let us say, Calabria, Wales, Andalusia, Aquitaine, Galicia, or Saxony, as regions, rather than as nations, seeking their regional identity, economically and culturally, which has been lost in their incorporation in nation states, where the centre of gravity is elsewhere. +Needless to say, in efforts for unification promoted by politicians we have a multitude of administrators in Brussels issuing edicts about which varieties of vegetable seeds, or what constituents of beefburgers or ice cream, may be sold in the shops of member nations. The newspapers joyfully report all this trivia. The press gives far less attention to another undercurrent of pan-European opinion, evolving from the views expressed in Strasbourg from people of every political hue, claiming the existence of a ‘Europe of the Regions’, and daring to argue that the nation state was a phenomenon of the 16th to 19th centuries, which will not have any useful future in the 21st century. The forthcoming pattern of administration in the federated Europe that they are struggling to discover is a link between, let us say, Calabria, Wales, Andalusia, Aquitaine, Galicia, or Saxony, as regions, rather than as nations, seeking their regional identity, economically and culturally, which has been lost in their incorporation in nation states, where the centre of gravity is elsewhere. -In the great tide of nationalism in the 19th century there was a handful of prophetic and dissenting voices, urging the alternative of federalism. It is interesting, at least, that those whose names survive were the three best-known anarchist thinkers of that century. The political Left as it evolved in the 20th century has dismissed their legacy as irrelevant. So much the worse for the Left, since the debate is now monopolized by the political Right, which has its own agenda in opposing both federalism and regionalism. +In the great tide of nationalism in the 19th century there was a handful of prophetic and dissenting voices, urging the alternative of federalism. It is interesting, at least, that those whose names survive were the three best-known anarchist thinkers of that century. The political Left as it evolved in the 20th century has dismissed their legacy as irrelevant. So much the worse for the Left, since the debate is now monopolized by the political Right, which has its own agenda in opposing both federalism and regionalism. First among these anarchist precursors was Proudhon, who devoted two of his books to the idea of federation in opposition to that of the nation state. They were La Fédération et l’Unité en Italie of 1862, and in the following year his Du Principe Fédératif. Proudhon was French, a citizen of a unified, centralized nation state, with the result that he was obliged to become a refugee in Belgium. And he feared the unification of Italy on several different levels. In his book De la Justice of 1858, he had forecast that the creation of the German Empire would bring only trouble both to the Germans and to the rest of Europe, and he pursued this argument into the political history of Italy. On the bottom level was history, where natural factors like geology and climate had shaped local customs and attitudes. ‘Italy’, he claimed, -is federal by the constitution of her territory; by the diversity of her inhabitants; in the nature of her genius; in her mores; in her history. She is federal in all her being and has been since all eternity . . . And by federation you will make her as many times free as you give her independent states. +is federal by the constitution of her territory; by the diversity of her inhabitants; in the nature of her genius; in her mores; in her history. She is federal in all her being and has been since all eternity ... And by federation you will make her as many times free as you give her independent states. It was therefore unnatural for Italy to become a nation state. -He understood that Cavour and Napoleon III had agreed to make a federal Italy, but he knew they would rely on a vainglorious princeling from the House of Savoy who would settle for nothing less than a centralized constitutional monarchy. And beyond this, he profoundly mistrusted the liberal anti-clericalism of Mazzini, not through any love of the Papacy but because he recognized that Mazzini’s slogan ‘Dio e popolo’ could be exploited by any demagogue who could seize the machinery of a centralized state. He saw that the existence of this administrative machinery was an absolute threat to personal and local liberty. Proudhon was almost alone among 19th-century political theorists to perceive this: +He understood that Cavour and Napoleon III had agreed to make a federal Italy, but he knew they would rely on a vainglorious princeling from the House of Savoy who would settle for nothing less than a centralized constitutional monarchy. And beyond this, he profoundly mistrusted the liberal anti-clericalism of Mazzini, not through any love of the Papacy but because he recognized that Mazzini’s slogan ‘Dio e popolo’ could be exploited by any demagogue who could seize the machinery of a centralized state. He saw that the existence of this administrative machinery was an absolute threat to personal and local liberty. Proudhon was almost alone among 19th-century political theorists to perceive this: -Liberal today under a liberal government, it will tomorrow become the formidable engine of a usurping despot. It is a perpetual temptation to the executive power, a perpetual threat to the people’s liberties. No rights, individual or collective, can be sure of a future. Centralisation might, then, be called the disarming of a nation for the profit of its government . . . +Liberal today under a liberal government, it will tomorrow become the formidable engine of a usurping despot. It is a perpetual temptation to the executive power, a perpetual threat to the people’s liberties. No rights, individual or collective, can be sure of a future. Centralisation might, then, be called the disarming of a nation for the profit of its government ... -Everything we now know about the 20th-century history of Europe, Asia, Latin America, or Africa supports this perception. Nor does the North American style of federalism, so lovingly conceived by Thomas Jefferson and his friends, guarantee the removal of this threat. One of Proudhon’s English biographers, Edward Hyams, comments that +Everything we now know about the 20th-century history of Europe, Asia, Latin America, or Africa supports this perception. Nor does the North American style of federalism, so lovingly conceived by Thomas Jefferson and his friends, guarantee the removal of this threat. One of Proudhon’s English biographers, Edward Hyams, comments that it has become apparent since the Second World War that United States Presidents can and do make use of the Federal administrative machine in a way which makes a mockery of democracy. @@ -1260,17 +574,17 @@ Solicit men’s views in the mass, and they will return stupid, fickle and viole This observation reveals a profound understanding of the psychology of politics. Proudhon was extrapolating from the evolution of the Swiss Confederation, but Europe has other examples in a whole series of specialist fields. The Netherlands has a reputation for its mild or lenient penal policy. The official explanation of this is the replacement in 1886 of the Code Napoleon by ‘a genuine Dutch criminal code’ based upon cultural traditions like ‘the well-known Dutch “tolerance” and tendency to accept deviant minorities’. I am quoting the Netherlands criminologist Dr Willem de Haan, who cites the explanation that Dutch society -has traditionally been based upon religious, political and ideological rather than class lines. The important denominational groupings created their own social institutions in all major public spheres. This process . . . is responsible for transforming a pragmatic, tolerant general attitude into an absolute social must. +has traditionally been based upon religious, political and ideological rather than class lines. The important denominational groupings created their own social institutions in all major public spheres. This process ... is responsible for transforming a pragmatic, tolerant general attitude into an absolute social must. In other words it is diversity and not unity that creates the kind of society in which you and I can most comfortably live. And modern Dutch attitudes are rooted in the diversity of the medieval city states of Holland and Zeeland, which demonstrates, as much as Proudhon’s regionalism, that a desirable future for all Europe lies in an accommodation of local differences. Discussions about European integration in the 1860s prompted a sceptical reaction from Proudhon: -Among French democrats there has been much talk of a European confederation, or a United States of Europe. By this they seem to understand nothing but an alliance of all the states which presently exist in Europe, great and small, presided over by a permanent congress. It is taken for granted that each state will retain the form of government that suits it best. Now since each state will have votes in the congress in proportion to its population and territory, the small states in this so-called confederation will soon be incorporated into the large ones . . . +Among French democrats there has been much talk of a European confederation, or a United States of Europe. By this they seem to understand nothing but an alliance of all the states which presently exist in Europe, great and small, presided over by a permanent congress. It is taken for granted that each state will retain the form of government that suits it best. Now since each state will have votes in the congress in proportion to its population and territory, the small states in this so-called confederation will soon be incorporated into the large ones ... Swallowing up neighbouring countries may be unfashionable nowadays, but we can see Proudhon’s misgivings being realized in the way debates and decisions of the European Community are dominated by the large states at the expense of the smaller member nations. -The second of my 19th-century mentors, Michael Bakunin, demands our attention for a variety of reasons. He was almost alone among that century’s political thinkers in foreseeing the horrors of the clash of modern nation states in the First and Second World Wars, as well as predicting the results of centralizing Marxism in the Russian Empire. In 1867 Prussia and France seemed to be poised for a war about who should control Luxembourg and this, through the network of interests and alliances, ‘threatened to engulf all Europe’. A League for Peace and Freedom held its congress in Geneva, sponsored by prominent people from various countries, such as Giuseppe Garibaldi, Victor Hugo, and John Stuart Mill. Bakunin seized the opportunity to address this audience, and published his opinions under the title Fédéralisme, Socialisme, et Anti-Théologisme. This document set out 13 points on which, according to Bakunin, the Geneva Congress was unanimous. +The second of my 19th-century mentors, Michael Bakunin, demands our attention for a variety of reasons. He was almost alone among that century’s political thinkers in foreseeing the horrors of the clash of modern nation states in the First and Second World Wars, as well as predicting the results of centralizing Marxism in the Russian Empire. In 1867 Prussia and France seemed to be poised for a war about who should control Luxembourg and this, through the network of interests and alliances, ‘threatened to engulf all Europe’. A League for Peace and Freedom held its congress in Geneva, sponsored by prominent people from various countries, such as Giuseppe Garibaldi, Victor Hugo, and John Stuart Mill. Bakunin seized the opportunity to address this audience, and published his opinions under the title Fédéralisme, Socialisme, et Anti-Théologisme. This document set out 13 points on which, according to Bakunin, the Geneva Congress was unanimous. The first of these points proclaimed @@ -1290,11 +604,11 @@ That all the supporters of the League should therefore bend all their energies t The vision thus became bigger and bigger, but Bakunin was careful to include the acceptance of secession. His eighth point declared that -Just because a region has formed part of a State, even by voluntary accession, it by no means follows that it incurs any obligation to remain tied to it for ever. No obligation in perpetuity is acceptable to human justice . . . The right of free union and equally free secession comes first and foremost among all political rights; without it, confederation would be nothing but centralisation in disguise. +Just because a region has formed part of a State, even by voluntary accession, it by no means follows that it incurs any obligation to remain tied to it for ever. No obligation in perpetuity is acceptable to human justice ... The right of free union and equally free secession comes first and foremost among all political rights; without it, confederation would be nothing but centralisation in disguise. Bakunin refers admiringly to the Swiss Confederation, ‘practising federation so successfully today’, as he put it, and Proudhon too explicitly took as a model the Swiss supremacy of the commune as the unit of social organization, linked by the canton, with a purely administrative federal council. But both remembered the events of 1848, when the Sonderbund of secessionist cantons were compelled by war to accept the new constitution of the majority. Proudhon and Bakunin agreed in condemning this subversion of federalism by the unitary principle. There must be a right of secession. -Switzerland, precisely because of its decentralized structure, was a refuge for numerous political refugees from the Austro-Hungarian, German, and Russian empires. One Russian anarchist was even expelled from Switzerland: he was too much even for the Swiss Federal Council. This was Peter Kropotkin, whose ideas connect 19th-century federalism with 20th-century regional geography. +Switzerland, precisely because of its decentralized structure, was a refuge for numerous political refugees from the Austro-Hungarian, German, and Russian empires. One Russian anarchist was even expelled from Switzerland: he was too much even for the Swiss Federal Council. This was Peter Kropotkin, whose ideas connect 19th-century federalism with 20th-century regional geography. Kropotkin’s youth was spent as an army officer in geological expeditions in the Far Eastern provinces of the Russian Empire. His autobiography tells of the outrage he felt to see how central administration and funding destroyed any improvement of local conditions, through ignorance, incompetence, and universal corruption, and through the destruction of ancient communal institutions which might have enabled people to change their own lives. The rich got richer, the poor got poorer, and the administrative machinery was suffocated by boredom and embezzlement. There is a similar literature from any other empire or nation state. @@ -1316,9 +630,9 @@ Finally there was the extraordinary Scottish biologist Patrick Geddes, who tried Professor Hall pointed out that -many, though by no means all, of the early visions of the planning movement stemmed from the anarchist movement, which flourished in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first years of the twentieth . . . The vision of these anarchist pioneers was not merely of an alternative built form, but of an alternative society, nether capitalist nor bureaucratic-socialist: a society based on voluntary co-operation among men and women, working and living in small self-governing communities. +many, though by no means all, of the early visions of the planning movement stemmed from the anarchist movement, which flourished in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first years of the twentieth ... The vision of these anarchist pioneers was not merely of an alternative built form, but of an alternative society, nether capitalist nor bureaucratic-socialist: a society based on voluntary co-operation among men and women, working and living in small self-governing communities. -Those 19th-century anarchist thinkers were a century in advance of their contemporaries in warning the peoples of Europe of the consequences of not adopting a regionalist and federalist approach. After every kind of disastrous experience in the 20th century, the rulers of the nation states of Europe have directed policy towards several kinds of supranational entities. The crucial issue that faces them is whether to conceive of a Europe of States or a Europe of Regions. +Those 19th-century anarchist thinkers were a century in advance of their contemporaries in warning the peoples of Europe of the consequences of not adopting a regionalist and federalist approach. After every kind of disastrous experience in the 20th century, the rulers of the nation states of Europe have directed policy towards several kinds of supranational entities. The crucial issue that faces them is whether to conceive of a Europe of States or a Europe of Regions. To do them justice, the advocates of a united Europe have developed a doctrine of ‘subsidiarity’, by which governmental decisions outside the remit of the supranational institutions of the European Community should be taken by regional or local levels of administration, rather than by national governments. A resolution has been adopted by the Council of Europe, calling for national governments to adopt its Charter for Local Self-Government, ‘to formalise commitment to the principle that government functions should be carried out at the lowest level possible and only transferred to higher government by consent.’ @@ -1328,9 +642,7 @@ One anarchist thinker from the Netherlands, Thom Holterman, has set out the crit Kropotkin used to cite the lifeboat institution as an example of the kind of voluntary and non-coercive organization envisaged by anarchists that could provide a worldwide service without the principle of authority intervening. Two other examples of the way in which local groups and associations could combine to provide a complex network of functions without any central authority are the post office and the railways. You can post a letter to Chile or China, confident that it will get there, as a result of freely-arrived-at agreements between different national post offices, without there being any central world postal authority at all. Or you can travel across Europe and Asia over the lines of a dozen different railway systems, public and private, without any kind of central railway authority. Coordination requires neither uniformity nor bureaucracy. -* Chapter 10 -
-Green aspirations and anarchist futures +* Chapter 10: Green aspirations and anarchist futures When Kropotkin’s Fields, Factories and Workshops first appeared in 1899, the precursors of the Green movement found it an inspiration, since its author stressed the productivity of small-scale decentralized industry, and of a ‘horticultural’ approach to food production, for its immense output. When his book was re-issued at the end of the First World War, an added preliminary note observed that: ‘It pleads for a new economy in the energies used in supplying the needs of human life, since these needs are increasing and the energies are not inexhaustible.’ @@ -1348,7 +660,7 @@ The inescapable logic is that while rural agriculture can need up to eight fossi Tim Lang, a professor of food policy who has been concerned for years with the implications of findings like these, reminds us that -Supermarket distribution systems are totally dependent upon cheap energy. Far from being more convenient, hypermarkets are actually making us make more, not less, shopping trips. The average number increased by 28 per cent between 1978 and 1991. Shoppers also have to go further: the distance rose by 60 per cent between 1978 and 1991 . . . The common factor to all this is the food retailers’ use of centralised distribution systems. Each firm has its own regional distribution centres (RDCs). All food goes to the RDC and thence to the shops. As a result the food travels much further . . . +Supermarket distribution systems are totally dependent upon cheap energy. Far from being more convenient, hypermarkets are actually making us make more, not less, shopping trips. The average number increased by 28 per cent between 1978 and 1991. Shoppers also have to go further: the distance rose by 60 per cent between 1978 and 1991 ... The common factor to all this is the food retailers’ use of centralised distribution systems. Each firm has its own regional distribution centres (RDCs). All food goes to the RDC and thence to the shops. As a result the food travels much further ... This is known as the food-miles issue. It has been extended to even more bizarre lengths by the policies of the giant food retailers, searching the globe for suppliers who are cheapest, regardless of the diversion of local water supplies from meeting traditional local needs. In my nearest town in East Anglia I can buy Mexican carrots, Australian onions, African mange-tout peas, and Peruvian asparagus. This fact contributes far more to global warming than my careless use of electricity. Professor John Houghton, Chairman of the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution and of the United Nations Advisory Panel on Climate Change, thought there was something absurd in the fact that he had eaten delicious new potatoes for his lunch. They had been delivered by a 40-tonne lorry to his local hypermarket after being flown by superjet to England. And, as he commented, ‘I could have grown them in my own back garden.’ @@ -1366,7 +678,7 @@ In the 1970s I was lucky enough to be employed to start a journal for teachers a Since he has long practical experience in this field, I take Peter Harper’s conclusions seriously. He told interviewers in 1998 that -The craze for self-sufficiency and small-is-beautiful has passed. Don’t try to do it all yourself. Start where you are strong, not where you are weak . . . Don’t try to make your energy: try to save your energy. Most of the action is going to be in cities, where the majority of humans will soon be living and where, contrary to our old Arcadian assumptions, sustainable modern lifestyles are more easily achieved. +The craze for self-sufficiency and small-is-beautiful has passed. Don’t try to do it all yourself. Start where you are strong, not where you are weak ... Don’t try to make your energy: try to save your energy. Most of the action is going to be in cities, where the majority of humans will soon be living and where, contrary to our old Arcadian assumptions, sustainable modern lifestyles are more easily achieved. His continual probing of the environmental consciousness of our fellow citizens has led him to make a different distinction from that between Deep Ecologists and Social Ecologists. Peter Harper divides us into Light Greens (with more money than time) and Deep Greens (with, perhaps, more time than money). The Light Greens, he suggests, are involved with the new technology of solar heating, fuel-efficient lightweight motor cars, and sustainable consumption, while the Deep Greens believe in small, insulated houses, bicycles and public transport, home-grown food, repair and recycling, local currency schemes, and barter. @@ -1380,9 +692,9 @@ as life gradually gets worse for everyone else, the Deep Greens (the people he c Twenty-five years of offering environmental choices to fellow citizens who came to the Centre for Alternative Technology with a variety of motives have led Peter Harper to adopt his relaxed approach to the task of convincing us all that our lifestyles have to change. Murray Bookchin would probably react differently, but many years earlier he posed the same issues in discussing the nature of a liberatory technology, one which frees rather than enslaves us. Can we imagine, he asked, that an ecologically viable economy could be based on a centralized nation state and its bureaucratic apparatus? He urged that, from the standpoint of the viability of the planet and all living things on it, anarchist concepts are not merely desirable, they are necessary: -What was once regarded as impractical and visionary has now become eminently practical . . . If community face-to-face democracy, a humanistic, liberatory technology, and decentralisation are conceived of merely as reactions to the prevailing state of affairs – a vigorous ‘nay’ to the ‘yes’ of what exists today – a compelling, objective case can be made for the practicability of an anarchist society. +What was once regarded as impractical and visionary has now become eminently practical ... If community face-to-face democracy, a humanistic, liberatory technology, and decentralisation are conceived of merely as reactions to the prevailing state of affairs – a vigorous ‘nay’ to the ‘yes’ of what exists today – a compelling, objective case can be made for the practicability of an anarchist society. -Environmental and ecological concerns have been advocated long enough for us to recognize peaks and troughs in the support they receive from the general, uncommitted public, whose involvement is vital for the manipulators of change. There are fashions in crisis-consciousness, as in most other aspects of our communal life. A comforting thought for anarchists is the reflection that a society advanced enough to accept the environmental imperatives of the 21st century will be obliged to reinvent anarchism as a response to them. +Environmental and ecological concerns have been advocated long enough for us to recognize peaks and troughs in the support they receive from the general, uncommitted public, whose involvement is vital for the manipulators of change. There are fashions in crisis-consciousness, as in most other aspects of our communal life. A comforting thought for anarchists is the reflection that a society advanced enough to accept the environmental imperatives of the 21st century will be obliged to reinvent anarchism as a response to them. 14. Community gardens, as envisaged by Clifford Harper. @@ -1420,7 +732,7 @@ Sam Mbah and I. E. Igarewey, African Anarchism: The History of a MovementTerrorism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) -Kropotkin’s article on anarchism for the 11th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica is reprinted in Peter Kropotkin, Anarchism and Anarchist Communism (London: Freedom Press, 1987) +Kropotkin’s article on anarchism for the 11th edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica is reprinted in Peter Kropotkin, Anarchism and Anarchist Communism (London: Freedom Press, 1987) Chapter 2 @@ -1448,7 +760,7 @@ Burnett Bolloten, The Spanish Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of No Noam Chomsky, American Power and the New Mandarins (New York: Random House, 1967) -S. Faure, cited in Vernon Richards, Lessons of the Spanish Revolution (London: Freedom Press, 1953; 3rd edn. 1983) +S. Faure, cited in Vernon Richards, Lessons of the Spanish Revolution (London: Freedom Press, 1953; 3rd edn. 1983) Chapter 3 @@ -1504,7 +816,7 @@ Paul Thompson, Why William Morris Matters Today: Human Creativity and the Fu William Godwin, An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976 [1793]); Uncollected Writings (1785–1822), eds J. W. Marken and B. R. Pollin (Gainsville, Florida: Scholars’ Facsimiles, 1968) -Paul Goodman, Compulsory Miseducation, 2nd edn. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971) +Paul Goodman, Compulsory Miseducation, 2nd edn. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971) National Union of Teachers, The Struggle for Education (London: NUT, 1970) @@ -1631,318 +943,3 @@ George McKay (ed.), DIY Culture: Party and Protest in Nineties Britain Jon Purkis and James Bowen (eds), Twenty-First Century Anarchism: Unorthodox Ideas for a New Millennium (London: Cassell, 1997) Sean M. Sheehan, Anarchism (London: Reaktion Books, 2003) - -* Index - -A - -African anarchism [[#calibre_link-38][12]] - -agriculture [[#calibre_link-39][23]], [[#calibre_link-40][91]]–3 - -alternative technology [[#calibre_link-41][94]]–6 - -anarchism, definitions [[#calibre_link-42][1]], [[#calibre_link-43][13]] - -anarchist-communism [[#calibre_link-44][2]] - -anarcho-syndicalism [[#calibre_link-44][2]], [[#calibre_link-45][10]], [[#calibre_link-46][16]], [[#calibre_link-47][20]]–1 - -Andrews, Stephen Pearl [[#calibre_link-48][64]] - -B - -Bakunin, Michael [[#calibre_link-49][5]], [[#calibre_link-50][7]], [[#calibre_link-51][14]], [[#calibre_link-52][15]], [[#calibre_link-47][20]], [[#calibre_link-53][34]]–5, [[#calibre_link-54][55]], [[#calibre_link-55][83]]–5 - -Berkman, Alexander [[#calibre_link-56][19]], [[#calibre_link-57][41]] - -Berlin, Isaiah [[#calibre_link-58][26]] - -Berneri, Camillo [[#calibre_link-59][86]] - -Bhave, Vinoba [[#calibre_link-38][12]] - -Bookchin, Murray [[#calibre_link-60][93]]–4, [[#calibre_link-61][96]], [[#calibre_link-62][98]] - -Bourne, Randolph [[#calibre_link-63][65]]–6 - -Buber, Martin [[#calibre_link-58][26]]–7, [[#calibre_link-53][34]], [[#calibre_link-64][69]] - -C - -Carter, Alan [[#calibre_link-62][98]] - -Cayley, David [[#calibre_link-65][43]]–4 - -Centre for Alternative Technology [[#calibre_link-41][94]]–6 - -Chinese anarchism [[#calibre_link-66][11]], [[#calibre_link-38][12]] - -Chomsky, Noam [[#calibre_link-67][24]] - -Cole, G.D.H. [[#calibre_link-58][26]] - -Comfort, Alex [[#calibre_link-68][72]]–3 - -communities of interest [[#calibre_link-69][29]] - -Crime and punishment [[#calibre_link-57][41]]–6 - -D - -Day, Dorothy [[#calibre_link-70][66]] - -de-criminalization [[#calibre_link-71][44]] - -DeLeon, David [[#calibre_link-72][63]] - -Downes, David [[#calibre_link-71][44]] - -drugs [[#calibre_link-71][44]]–6 - -E - -education, anarchist approaches [[#calibre_link-73][51]]–61, [[#calibre_link-74][73]]–4 - -‘Europe of the regions’ [[#calibre_link-75][79]] - -F - -Faure, Sébastien [[#calibre_link-76][59]] - -federalism [[#calibre_link-77][78]]–89 - -Ferrer, Francisco [[#calibre_link-54][55]]–6 - -France [[#calibre_link-42][1]], [[#calibre_link-52][15]], [[#calibre_link-76][59]], [[#calibre_link-77][78]], [[#calibre_link-78][82]]–3 - -Franco, Francisco [[#calibre_link-79][21]]–5 - -Friedman, David [[#calibre_link-80][62]], [[#calibre_link-70][66]] - -fundamentalism [[#calibre_link-81][35]]–40 - -G - -Gandhi, M.K. [[#calibre_link-38][12]] - -Gardner, Philip [[#calibre_link-82][54]] - -Geddes, Patrick [[#calibre_link-83][87]] - -Godwin, William [[#calibre_link-84][3]], [[#calibre_link-85][4]], [[#calibre_link-52][15]], [[#calibre_link-73][51]]–3, [[#calibre_link-70][66]] - -Goldman, Emma [[#calibre_link-56][19]], [[#calibre_link-47][20]], [[#calibre_link-86][71]]–2 - -Goodman, Paul [[#calibre_link-73][51]], [[#calibre_link-87][57]], [[#calibre_link-88][67]]–8 - -green anarchism [[#calibre_link-89][90]]–8 - -H - -Hall, Peter [[#calibre_link-83][87]] - -Harper, Clifford [[#calibre_link-90][48]] - -Harper, Peter [[#calibre_link-41][94]]–6 - -health and health insurance [[#calibre_link-91][27]]–30 - -Hennacy, Ammon [[#calibre_link-70][66]] - -Herzen, Alexander [[#calibre_link-92][32]] - -Holterman, Thom [[#calibre_link-93][88]] - -Humphries, Stephen [[#calibre_link-82][54]] - -I - -Illich, Ivan [[#calibre_link-87][57]] - -Indian anarchism [[#calibre_link-38][12]] - -individualist anarchism [[#calibre_link-44][2]]–3, [[#calibre_link-80][62]]–9 - -Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) [[#calibre_link-45][10]], [[#calibre_link-94][47]] - -industry [[#calibre_link-95][30]], [[#calibre_link-96][46]]–50 - -Islam [[#calibre_link-97][36]]–40 - -Italy [[#calibre_link-47][20]], [[#calibre_link-98][80]]–1 - -J - -Japanese anarchism [[#calibre_link-45][10]]–11 - -Jefferson, Thomas [[#calibre_link-52][15]] - -K - -Korean anarchism [[#calibre_link-66][11]] - -Kotuku, Shusui [[#calibre_link-45][10]] - -Kropotkin, Peter [[#calibre_link-99][8]], [[#calibre_link-100][9]], [[#calibre_link-43][13]], [[#calibre_link-46][16]], [[#calibre_link-56][19]], [[#calibre_link-39][23]], [[#calibre_link-69][29]], [[#calibre_link-57][41]], [[#calibre_link-101][49]], [[#calibre_link-102][58]]–9, [[#calibre_link-103][85]]–7, [[#calibre_link-89][90]] - -L - -Landauer, Gustav [[#calibre_link-99][8]], [[#calibre_link-58][26]] - -Lane, Homer [[#calibre_link-104][61]] - -Lang, Tim [[#calibre_link-105][92]] - -libertarianism [[#calibre_link-44][2]]–3, [[#calibre_link-80][62]]–9 - -Li Pai Kan [[#calibre_link-47][20]] - -Loach, Ken [[#calibre_link-106][25]] - -M - -Macdonald, Dwight [[#calibre_link-107][70]]–1 - -Magon, Ricardo Flores [[#calibre_link-46][16]], [[#calibre_link-108][18]] - -Malatesta, Errico [[#calibre_link-47][20]], [[#calibre_link-71][44]], [[#calibre_link-109][45]] - -Marshall, Peter [[#calibre_link-110][ix]], [[#calibre_link-66][11]], [[#calibre_link-48][64]]–7, [[#calibre_link-111][75]] - -Martin, James [[#calibre_link-72][63]] - -Marx, Karl [[#calibre_link-49][5]], [[#calibre_link-47][20]] - -Mernissi, Fatima [[#calibre_link-112][40]] - -Mexico [[#calibre_link-46][16]]–18 - -Michel, Louise [[#calibre_link-46][16]] - -millenarianism [[#calibre_link-113][31]]–2 - -Monbiot, George [[#calibre_link-111][75]]–6 - -Mumford, Lewis [[#calibre_link-83][87]] - -N - -nationalism [[#calibre_link-114][33]]–4 - -Neill, A.S. [[#calibre_link-76][59]]–61 - -Nozick, Robert [[#calibre_link-80][62]], [[#calibre_link-70][66]] - -O - -organization, anarchist views [[#calibre_link-113][31]] - -Orwell, George [[#calibre_link-67][24]] - -P - -Pa Chin [[#calibre_link-47][20]] - -pacifist anarchism [[#calibre_link-84][3]] - -Paine, Thomas [[#calibre_link-52][15]], [[#calibre_link-58][26]] - -Peckham Experiment [[#calibre_link-115][28]] - -prison [[#calibre_link-57][41]]–6 - -Proudhon, P.J. [[#calibre_link-42][1]], [[#calibre_link-84][3]]–5, [[#calibre_link-116][6]], [[#calibre_link-46][16]], [[#calibre_link-102][58]], [[#calibre_link-98][80]]–3 - -R - -Rée, Harry [[#calibre_link-87][57]] - -religion [[#calibre_link-81][35]]–9 - -Robin, Paul [[#calibre_link-76][59]] - -Rocker, Rudolph [[#calibre_link-117][38]] - -Rothbard, Murray [[#calibre_link-80][62]], [[#calibre_link-70][66]]–8 - -Rousseau, J.J. [[#calibre_link-104][61]] - -Roux, Jacques [[#calibre_link-52][15]] - -Russell, Dora [[#calibre_link-118][60]]–1 - -Russia [[#calibre_link-56][19]]–20, [[#calibre_link-59][86]] - -Rutherford, Andrew [[#calibre_link-65][43]] - -S - -Said, Edward [[#calibre_link-119][39]] - -sex [[#calibre_link-68][72]]–4 - -Sheehan, Sean [[#calibre_link-120][76]]–7 - -Situationists [[#calibre_link-111][75]] - -Smit, Jac [[#calibre_link-40][91]]–2 - -Smith, Michael [[#calibre_link-102][58]]–9 - -social welfare [[#calibre_link-58][26]]–30 - -Spain [[#calibre_link-47][20]]–5 - -Spooner, Lysander [[#calibre_link-48][64]] - -Stalin, Joseph [[#calibre_link-106][25]] - -Stirner, Max [[#calibre_link-44][2]], [[#calibre_link-80][62]] - -Switzerland [[#calibre_link-103][85]]–6 - -T - -Thompson, Paul [[#calibre_link-101][49]]–50, [[#calibre_link-54][55]] - -Thoreau, Henry D. [[#calibre_link-38][12]], [[#calibre_link-48][64]]–5 - -Tolstoy, Leo [[#calibre_link-38][12]], [[#calibre_link-54][55]] - -trade unions [[#calibre_link-96][46]]–51 - -Tucker, Benjamin [[#calibre_link-48][64]] - -V - -Van Duyn, Roel [[#calibre_link-121][74]]–5 - -Vaneigen, Raoul [[#calibre_link-111][75]] - -Varlet, Jean [[#calibre_link-52][15]] - -W - -Walter, Nicolas [[#calibre_link-110][ix]], [[#calibre_link-122][37]] - -Warren, Josiah [[#calibre_link-72][63]] - -Wieck, David [[#calibre_link-64][69]] - -Wolff, Robert Paul [[#calibre_link-80][62]], [[#calibre_link-70][66]], [[#calibre_link-123][68]] - -World Trade Organization [[#calibre_link-111][75]]–7 - -Y - -Young, Michael [[#calibre_link-87][57]] - -Z - -Zapata, Emiliano [[#calibre_link-46][16]]–18 - -Zapatistas [[#calibre_link-46][16]]–17 - - - -- cgit v1.2.3